Another and much more radical direction of nationalism was Galician. Actually, it is precisely this that now prevails in modern Ukraine. The fact is that when they say that there is a split in Ukraine between East and West, not everyone fully understands what they are talking about we're talking about and what event happened in 1939. And then an even more serious event occurred than the unification of the Federal Republic of Germany and the GDR. Then, according to the terms of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, Galicia, which was part of Poland, was annexed to the Ukrainian SSR. Galicia was traditionally inhabited by Ukrainians, but they never lived on the territory of the Russian Empire, except for the mythical times of Yaroslav the Wise, when there weren’t really any peoples. That is, the Ukrainians who traditionally lived in the Republic of Ingushetia were joined by a completely special tribe of militant Galicians, who were promoted back in Austria-Hungary. In addition, unlike the traditionally Orthodox Ukrainians, all Galicians were Uniate Greek Catholics, which is a separate matter in itself. And if the Germans lived divided for 45 years, then&nпbsp; V in this case peoples united not only with different history, but even by faith, since the Uniates came under the authority of the Pope back in 1596, retaining only the Byzantine rite.
On the eve of the First World War, Galicia was part of Austria-Hungary. At the same time, there was a broad Russophile movement in Galicia. Of course, it was partly supported by funding from Russia. The Austrians also worked over the local population in their own interests. For example, when the war began, among the Ukrainians of Galicia, for the war with Russia, they easily recruited 7 thousand “usus” - Ukrainian Sich Riflemen, commanded by Archduke Wilhelm Franz of Habsburg-Lorraine, known as Vasyl Vyshyvany.
That awkward moment when jokes about the Austrian General Staff are not jokes.
As for the Russophiles, after the outbreak of the First World War, all of them were sent according to the lists to the Thalerhof and Terezin concentration camps, where they were either executed or died. A minority managed to survive. By the way, at one of these trials Tyagnibok’s great-grandfather acted as a witness for the prosecution.
Actually, Galician nationalism was based on two things: the scout organization “Plast”, where fighting ukryats were sculpted from small ukryats, and on the Greek Catholic priests, who were ultra-nationalist and instilled similar thoughts in the flock. A huge number of prominent people in the Ukrainian nationalist movement were children of Uniate priests.
Plast fighters
As a result of the First World War, Galicia went to Poland, which drove Ukrainian nationalists crazy. If in Austria-Hungary they lived relatively well, albeit without national autonomy, then the Poles turned out to be terrible chauvinists. Immediately after the war, the “Ukrainian Military Organization” was created. She became the last link in the chain: “father - a Greek Catholic priest” - childhood in “Plast” - “service in the Austro-Hungarian army” - “UVO”. One of its main creators was the former warrant officer of the Austro-Hungarian army, Yevgeny Konovalets - half Rusyn, half Pole. Konovalets, just before the October Revolution, fled from Russian captivity to Kyiv, where he led a detachment of Sich riflemen guarding the Central Rada. After the Germans appointed Skoropadsky, the Streltsy was disbanded.
Founding Congress of the OUN. Konovalets is in the center in the bottom row.
The main goals of the UVO were sabotage, sabotage, terrorist attacks, murders and robberies in Poland. Konovalets was friends with a judge named Shukhevych and rented a room from him for a year, spending a lot of time talking with his 14-year-old son Roman Shukhevych, who, after communicating with Konovalets, became interested in the idea of Ukrainian nationalism and joined first Plast and then in the UVO, where he began to personally participate in both acts of sabotage and murder. By the way, Konovalets established old connections with the Germans, who decided to use radical killers against the Poles, and were happy to train saboteurs from the UVO.
In addition to the UVO, there were several other organizations of Ukrainian nationalists, mostly youth. However, they did not play such a role. In 1929, on the basis of the UVO, the unification of all nationalist organizations into the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) took place.
Dmitry Dontsov, tamer of the Mongolocats.
The main ideologist of the OUN, who put into readable letters the idea of fighting the Jewish Moskals that was in the air, was Dmitry Dontsov - the only Muscovite among the Galicians. He was born on the territory of the Russian Empire and his origins were the most carnival, right down to the Italians in his family. He studied in St. Petersburg and began as a Marxist. However, later he left for Galicia and his “eyes were opened.” He hated the Marxists for their internationalism and became an ardent Ukrainian chauvinist. After the outbreak of the First World War, Dontsov realized what was what and got a job good bet in the Austro-Hungarian Ministry of Truth. He headed the Union for the Liberation of Ukrainians. The main goal organization was the separation of the territory of Little Russia from Russia and the creation of an independent Ukrainian state under the wise protectorate of Austria-Hungary. For this purpose, agitators traveled to prisoner-of-war camps and campaigned among the Little Russians. He even managed to be the Minister of Telegraphs under Skoropadsky, but in the 20s he moved away from politics and focused on fantasies, on which the young “Plastunians” grew up. Summary Dontsov’s ideas do not shine with originality: “Ukrainians are the chosen race, Germans are good, Muscovites and Psheks are nonhumans.”
It was at this time that the new call in the OUN and the Sich Riflemen were replaced by ultra-radical Galician youth, who grew up under the Poles for a decade. Around the same time, its future leaders appeared in the OUN: Bandera, Stetsko and Shukhevych, although the latter had already managed to actively participate in the actions of the old UVO. There were some quite remarkable characters among this wave. So, Lev Rebet was a Jew, but this is a small detail.
The most inexplicable OUN activist was Richard Yary, who had such a murky biography that researchers are still at a loss: who is he anyway? Literally, they still cannot establish who he was by origin and what he did as a child. There are versions that Yary is a Hungarian Jew, a Sudeten German, half Czech, half Jew, an Austrian aristocrat. He himself introduced himself as the son of a Cossack. It is noteworthy that when the Germans checked him for possible cooperation, it turned out that in the place where he was born, no one remembers any Yarykh family at all. It is also not precisely established what he did before the First World War. There is a version that before the revolution his name was Richard von Jari and he was an employee of the Austrian intelligence service. With the beginning revolutionary events he ended up in the Galician army of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, after the revolution he speculated in horses, married a Jewish woman, went to Germany, bought himself a villa there and joined the ranks of Ukrainian nationalists. And he didn’t just join, but immediately headed the organization’s intelligence service (not bad for a horse speculator), and then became a representative of the OUN under the NSDAP(!).
Richard Yary, either a patriot of Ukraine, or looking from the adult powers.
As for intelligence services, there are assumptions that Yary worked for German, British, Soviet and Polish intelligence. There are also versions that it was he who organized the split in the OUN in 1940. He is also one of the creators of the Roland battalion, which became one of two Ukrainian national formations within the Wehrmacht created before the war. In the fall of 1941, he, along with other leaders of Ukrainian nationalists, was sent to a concentration camp. Perhaps for show, since Yary was released much earlier than the others, almost a year later, while the rest were in prison until 1944. After the war, he lived in Vienna, in the Soviet occupation zone, and the Soviets knew perfectly well who Yary was, but made no attempts to arrest him . Moreover, there is even evidence that Yary once went to the Soviet occupation administration and ordered the release of a Ukrainian detained by them with his wife. In general, a typical comrade Artem.
The most famous character of this wave of nationalists is, of course, Stepan Bandera. It must be said that Bandera is a Ukrainian Mandela, who spent the entire action in prison and was rather a living symbol of the movement. He was born into the family of a Greek Catholic priest who held ultranationalist views and raised his children in the corresponding spirit. Bandera’s main childhood dream was to join Plast, and he finally achieved his goal. Since childhood, Bandera was distinguished by mental problems, in particular, he suffered from sadomasochism. He regularly engaged in self-mutilation, drove needles under his fingernails, walked naked in the cold, and strangled cats. Later, when the stage of Bandera’s transformation into a mythological hero had already begun, the oddities of the psyche were explained in an ingenious way: he had simply been preparing for torture since childhood. By the way, the weirdo only achieved with his “preparation for torture” that he developed severe rheumatism at a young age.
At first, Bandera served as a propagandist and distributor of illegal publications in the OUN. However, soon Gabrusevich, also a Galician and the son of a Uniate priest, drew attention to him, and appointed him responsible for propaganda in the region, and a year later sent him to German instructors at an intelligence school (Konovalets established contacts with them). After undergoing special training, Bandera became a regional guide, i.e., the head of the regional branch. This coincided with the famine in the Ukrainian SSR; OUN members even held several protests, and later tried to kill the Soviet ambassador, but were unable to do so, limiting themselves to killing the secretary from the embassy. However, the main enemies of the OUN remained the Poles, whose hatred simply went off scale.
In 1934, OUN members killed the Polish Minister of Internal Affairs, Peratsky; in response, the Poles captured a number of nationalists known to them and put them on trial. It is believed that Bandera did not participate in the murder itself, but was involved in developing its plan. The same thing was presented to him at the trial. Everyone was 99% sure that the defendants would be hanged, especially since they did not even think of denying it, but the hanging was suddenly replaced with life imprisonment. Bandera remained in prison until September 1939, when the prison administration fled in fear of the German advance. By that time, Soviet troops had captured Western Ukraine and turned into the main enemies of the OUN, who were now almost not interested in the Poles. Konovalets had already been killed by Sudoplatov; his actual successor was not Bandera, but Andrei Melnik, who remained at large.
Celestial Sheptytsky.
Melnik was also from Galicia, at one time he served in a detachment of Sich riflemen. He had close ties with the Germans, as well as with the Uniate celestial, Metropolitan Sheptytsky. Sheptytsky came from an aristocratic family and had extensive connections back in the old Austria-Hungary with the leadership of the state. He spoke Hebrew perfectly; at one time, “on instructions from the party,” he organized Uniate communities in the Russian Empire. After the Bolsheviks came to Western Ukraine, he wrote letters to Stalin in which he scolded him for his godlessness, but Stalin did not dare lay a finger on the arrogant priest. During German occupation Sheptytsky sent letters of greeting to Hitler and blessed Bandera to fight the Muscovites, and when the Germans began to persecute the Jews, he began writing angry letters with curses to Himmler and the Pope. And why don’t the Germans grind the presumptuous priest into powder? So they were also afraid to touch it. Apparently, they were also afraid of his thick beard. At the beginning of 1944, Sheptytsky still ordered Uniate priests to melt down bells into cannons for Great Germany, and already in the middle of the year he sent congratulatory telegrams to the Great Stalin, praising him for his tolerance towards religion and calling communism a godly teaching, while simultaneously cursing Bandera’s followers. At this point Stalin would have slapped Hitler’s accomplice, well, at the very least, put him on trial, but no, they were afraid to touch him again.
Comrade Melnik.
In general, Melnik had serious friends, however, Bandera also gained fame during his imprisonment in a Polish prison. Melnik insisted on close cooperation with Germany, Bandera insisted on relying on his own forces. The matter ended, just like the Bolsheviks, with a split into OUN(b) and OUN(m). B are Bandera's, and M are Melnik's. The Banderaites initially had a serious advantage, and by 1943 the Melnikites represented a marginal minority.
A week after Germany attacked the USSR, the OUN proclaimed the creation of an independent Ukrainian state. Yaroslav Stetsko, a Galician and the son of a priest, was appointed head of the virtual state. The Germans were enraged by such chutzpah and summoned all the nationalist leaders to “negotiations”, at which they were all arrested and thrown into concentration camps. Of the prominent figures, only Shukhevych remained free, who managed to become a German officer even before the war.
Roman Shukhevych.
Two Bandera brothers died in German concentration camps, beaten to death by the Poles. At the end of 1944, the Germans released all the nationalists, hoping for their help. Indeed, this year there was an intensification of the UPA, which is noticeable in the changed attitude on the part of the Soviet army, which included the UPA among its “official enemies.” Whereas before 1944, partisans who participated in clashes with UPA detachments, if the rebels were captured, most often shot the commanders, and everyone else was sent home, given a slap on the wrist.
However, after being imprisoned in a concentration camp, Bandera practically retired and missed the moment; he never returned to the territory of Western Ukraine, and Shukhevych became the leader of the OUN underground and parts of the UPA, who was a partisan until 1950, until he was shot during the storming of his hideout.
After the end of the war, the Americans and communists started hunting for Bandera, so he cooperated with British intelligence, which, however, did not bear any serious fruit. He lived in Munich for some time and lasted until 1959, when they finally approached him. The murder was carried out by Bogdan Stashinsky, who, according to legend, was recruited by the KGB after he was detained for traveling without a ticket. In 1957 he killed Lev Rebet, and in 1959 - Bandera. Moreover, both times he left the scene of the crime and was not caught, but in 1961 he suddenly defected from the GDR to the Federal Republic of Germany and told the German authorities that he had committed the murder. He served 8 years and disappeared in an unknown direction; there is a version that he is still alive and lives in South Africa under an assumed name.
Bogdan Stashinsky, best friend Ukrainian nationalists.
After the death of Shukhevych, Vasily Kuk became the head of the UPA, who was soon arrested, but did not serve long, after which he repented, was released and renounced the movement, in addition, writing letters to foreign OUN members so that they recognized Soviet power. After that, he lived quietly in the USSR and died only in 2007.
The OUN, starting from the 50s, was actually mothballed and existed only on paper in exile. However, by the end of the 80s, the winds of change blew and the organization came out of hibernation, first in Canada and the USA, and after the fall of the USSR it was legalized in Ukraine.
From this small but instructive story we can conclude that the generic feature of Ukrainian nationalism is its connection with religious fanatics from the small-town Greek Catholic Church. Let everyone figure out what this means in terms of the Galicians’ claims against the whole of Ukraine (and the general validity of such claims).
The essence of the so-called Ukrainian nationalism is not the creation and strengthening of the Ukrainian national idea, but elementary Russophobia even at the cost of submission to external forces
Today, it is customary to mention Ukrainian nationalism on a par with other varieties of nationalism, and sometimes even contrast it with Russian nationalism. This state of affairs is a consequence of an incomplete understanding of this phenomenon, since nationalism in Ukraine has a number of unique features that do not allow it to be considered a form similar to that found in other countries. The reasons for this lie in the very specifics of the Ukrainian national idea and its history.
The ideas of fascism and Nazism immediately found a response in the minds of Ukrainian Russophobes, long before the Nazi occupation of Ukraine began.Emergence
The emergence of the Ukrainian ethnic group, formed as a result of the influence Western cultures(primarily Polish and Lithuanian) on the Russian population of the territories that, after the split of Rus', found themselves outside the context of all-Russian cultural development, was accompanied by fierce polemics about the essence and future of the young nation among representatives of both parts of the divided (to end of XVII century - mainly between Russia and Austria) people. It became especially acute in the 19th century, when Ukrainian idea began to take shape. She also had her own symbol in the person of the poet and prose writer TarasShevchenko, who today is called " godfather Ukrainian nationalism".
But few people in Ukraine today remember that among the representatives of the Ukrainian creative intelligentsia there were supporters of another project for the development of the nation. These include, in particular, the poet Ivan Franco, who founded, together with another supporter of the annexation of Galicia to Russia, a publicist Mikhail Pavlik- in Austria-Hungary the Russian-Ukrainian Radical Party. The work of this patriotic figure is today studied in Ukrainian schools, with emphasis placed on his love for Ukraine, however, mentions of no less love for his great Motherland - Russia, are bashfully avoided in school and university textbooks.
Famous Ukrainian playwright Ivan Kotlyarevsky, whom, by the way, Shevchenko himself highly valued, was a Russian officer and took part in Russian-Turkish war beginning of the century. His famous satirical “Aeneid” did not have an anti-Russian overtone, which caused a storm of indignation among the Russophobic part of the Ukrainian intelligentsia.
It is impossible not to mention such an influential publicist of the 19th century as Michael Drahomanov, who periodically - based on the desire to preserve and develop Ukrainian identity - converged with radical Ukrainophile elements, without, however, sharing their anti-Russian and Russophobic views. Being a cosmopolitan and a liberal socialist, he did not recognize the idea of populism, but he also could not consider a break with Russia as the key idea of Ukrainianism, preferring the idea of federalism to this, and therefore collaborated with Russian constitutionalists.
It can be considered completely natural that it was Shevchenko, who in the 19th century was not only one of the most famous, but also one of the most anti-Russian among Ukrainian intellectuals, who turned into the banner of Ukrainian Russophobes and nationalism, which several decades later became the ideological basis for education first Ukrainian autonomy, and then an independent Ukrainian state.
The fear of complete assimilation as a result of “Russification” has become key problem for the first ideologists of Ukrainianism, and this inferiority complex often continues to be a determining factor in the political decisions of modern Ukrainian politicians. As an example of the manifestation of this complex, one can cite the title of the book by the second president of independent Ukraine - “Ukraine is not Russia.” Thus, Russophobia became the basis of the Ukrainian national and state idea.
XX century
The process of formation and recognition of the Ukrainian nation as a political phenomenon began back in Russian Empire, when institutes for the study of Ukrainian culture and language were formed. One way or another, the authorities had to reckon with the popularization of the national idea among Ukrainians. Important events took place in Ukraine after the revolution - in 1917 the Ukrainian People's Republic was proclaimed (on the territory of the lands that were part of Russia), in 1918 the Western Ukrainian People's Republic was formed, and in 1919 these republics united.
During this period, it stood out especially clearly Dmitriy (Dmytro) Dontsov, by that time already an established politician, known for his Russophobia, and who subsequently became one of the most popular figures among nationalists. Despite his last name (for which he was nicknamed “Muscovite” among his comrades), he was distinguished by his special hatred of Russia and everything Russian. After the abolition of the UPR by the Bolsheviks, he moved to Lviv (then located in Poland), where he began studying and translating works Hitler And Mussolini.
It follows from this that the ideas of fascism and Nazism immediately found a response in the minds of Ukrainian Russophobes, long before the Nazi occupation of Ukraine began. It was Dontsov who was one of the first to assert that Ukrainians and Russians are different not only culturally and linguistically, but also ethnically and even racially. Of course, Dontsov’s works subsequently had a huge influence on the ideology of Ukrainian collaborators during the Great Patriotic War.
Forms Ukrainian nationalism V Ukrainian SSR And emigrant environment
Modern Ukrainian historians and politicians are popularizing the myth of the total suppression of Ukrainian culture and identity by the Bolsheviks. The identification of Soviet power with Russia in the eyes of ordinary Ukrainians simplifies the political tasks of the current leaders of the Ukrainian state. Of course, the fact that independent Ukraine owes its existence precisely to the Bolsheviks greatly hinders the strengthening in the minds of the population of the idea that any Russian authorities- whether imperial or Soviet - was aimed at the complete assimilation of Ukrainians, so this fact is usually hushed up in Ukraine.
The future of the Ukrainian national idea, which has been moving in the wrong direction almost from the very beginning and is still moving, is possible only if the Ukrainian intelligentsia renounces Russophobia.But the Bolsheviks not only made a huge contribution to the formation of Ukrainian self-awareness, but they also noticeably overdid it (which, in the end, did not save them from the curses of the nationalists). It was under Soviet power that Ukraine received universally recognized borders - which subsequently expanded significantly, it was under Soviet power that the Ukrainian language became finally institutionalized and gained widespread popularity, it was under Soviet power that the policy of Ukrainization was carried out, it was under Soviet power that the worship of Shevchenko was brought to the level of a cult, it was Soviet power that in the end, - albeit nominally - made Russia and Ukraine equal in rights as subjects of one state.
Thus, immediately after the creation of the Ukrainian SSR, the Ukrainian nationalist school began to form within the framework of the general union ideology. The leaders of the USSR considered such “controlled nationalism” a more acceptable way of solving “ Ukrainian issue” than attempts to fight nationalism as such.
The figures of Ukrainian culture, controlled by the Soviet authorities, did not find a common language with their radical colleagues who lived in the Ukrainian lands within Poland (until 1940) and in exile (mainly in Canada). After the collapse of the USSR, conformist Soviet authors were recognized as marginalized and “traitors,” and their role in state building was taken over by the emigrant school. Today in Kyiv it is not difficult to find works by emigrant authors - just pay attention to what is sold directly on Maidan Nezalezhnosti, main square countries, along with souvenirs and orange symbols.
Ukrainian nationalism How manifestation fascism
During the Second World War, as is known, a number of formations operated in Ukraine that fought against the Red Army (including on the side of the Nazis). Today's rehabilitators of their actions claim that their main intention was liberation from Soviet power. However, it is enough to look at some of the documents and leaflets of the OUN-UPA of those times to see that the “Russian question” worried the leaders of these organizations no less. The bloody terror that was carried out by detachments of Ukrainian nationalists against Russians, Poles and Ukrainians who did not sympathize with them speaks volumes about how far they were ready to go.
Ukrainian nationalism surprisingly organically intertwined with German Nazism, which, as we know, was only one of the forms of fascism. In the interpretation of the OUN members, the Nazis’ contempt for the Slavs in general extended to Russians and Poles, while hatred of Jews and communism fit well into their idea of the enemies of Ukraine.
The reason for such a copy of someone else’s ideology can be considered the underdevelopment and inferiority of the Ukrainian national idea at that time. Italian fascism and German Nazism operated in terms of the great history of their peoples and the power of the national state. Ukrainian nationalism, which was finally transformed during wartime into a kind of Nazism, was based, first of all, on Russophobia. The dominant idea of orienting towards “Greater Germany" and the desire to create united Ukraine under her control suggests that the attention of the Ukrainian Nazis was focused primarily not on the development of their own statehood, but on secession from Russia. In general, it is clear that Ukraine, from its very formation to the present day, has not had his national ideology.
End XX – Start XXI centuries
With Ukraine gaining independence, the trend towards the popularization of nationalism in its most extreme form began to grow as expected. The West of Ukraine and the emigrant diaspora became the new official ideological centers. Characteristically, almost nothing new has appeared in their idea of the correct future of the country and nation. Instead of building a “modern democratic European state”, which Ukrainian leaders never tire of declaring, we are seeing attempts to rehabilitate collaborators and chauvinists, being undertaken simultaneously with the pursuit of xenophobic domestic policies with the tacit consent of the “democratic world community”.
This may seem surprising only at first glance. National liberalism, which, like Nazism, is not something invented in Ukraine and for Ukraine, and, therefore, cannot be truly useful for Ukrainians, is quite compatible with the values that Nazism once declared . Attempts to build a mono-ethnic state, fraught with collapse for Ukraine, are fully consistent with the goals of the OUN. The significant difference lies only in the change of patron: the place of “Great Germany” was taken by the world hegemon - the USA. As with the traitors of World War II, there is no talk of creating a truly independent nation-state.
However, there are also attempts to create some semblance of their own, Ukrainian national ideology, outside Western values - for example, this is how one can characterize the activities of Dmitry (Dmytra)Korchinsky, who took part in the fighting on the side of the Chechen separatists, but is also in strong opposition to the pro-Western Orange regime. However, such elements in Ukraine are marginal and unpromising. In addition, which is typical when it comes to the necessary choice of priorities, Korchinsky clearly chooses the West.
From all of the above, we can draw a confident conclusion - Ukrainian nationalism, unlike other nationalist schools, is aimed not at creating and strengthening the national, not inward, but on the contrary - at counteracting a specific external factor by any means - including to the detriment of one’s own independence and self-sufficiency - cannot be considered nationalism in the traditional sense of the word, but rather a deviation from it, an unhealthy form. The future of the Ukrainian national idea, which has been moving in the wrong direction almost from the very beginning and is still moving, is possible only if the Ukrainian intelligentsia renounces Russophobia and opposes itself to the Russian in everything. Unfortunately, under current conditions this is hardly possible in Ukraine.
Furious pogrom. Eyewitnesses of the events explain to those interested that “there was an anti-terrorist operation here between the past and present owners.”
Kievans condemn the showdown of Maidan activists on the Singing Field
And near the Pechersky Court of the capital there was a bloody fight between representatives of the Ukrainian nationalist organizations C14 and the Maidan NGO, who came to support the Avakov police.
Ukrainian nationalists of the organizations C14 and the NGO "Maidan" fought near the building of the Pechersk court
On the night of Tuesday in Lviv, the premises of Sberbank burned down - militants of the National Corps party, created on the basis of the Nazi punitive battalion“Azov” stated that they had started an indefinite action. “It’s time to cross out the activities of the Russian Sberbank in Lvov. The “National Corps” begins an indefinite blockade,” reads the message in “ In contact with ».
“We associate the arson of the central branch of the bank,” write the Ukrainian Nazis, “solely with attempts by the old/new management to hide documentation that testified to anti-Ukrainian activities. Sberbank was state property The Russian Federation, therefore, the financial institution of the aggressor country, has intensified counter-Ukrainian activities since the beginning of 2014.” Ukrainian nationalists demand that Russian banks, whose services in Lviv are used by the bulk of its residents, left the Ukrainian market.
Lviv residents shuddered when they saw the Nazis burning down a Sberbank branch in the city
The answer to the Ukrainian Nazis came... from Poland. There, the Ukrainian consulate was painted with already familiar claims.
On the consulate building in the city of Rzeszow in southern Poland, inscriptions in Polish appeared: “Ukraine - OUN-UPA”, Waffen SS Galitzien, next to the coat of arms of Ukraine they painted a gallows and the inscription Raus (“away” - German), a swastika and an inscription in Russian : "No".
“We are proud that many Ukrainians from all over the world have risen to defend their historical lands,” P. Poroshenko told the audience at the US Military Academy West Point. Among them was West Point graduate Markiyan Paslavsky, who “went from the USA to fight for our freedom.”
US special forces major Paslavsky, who specialized in reconnaissance and sabotage operations, died near Ilovaisk and was buried at Askold’s grave in Kyiv. The head of the Maidan Ukrainian state awarded M. Paslavsky with the Order of Daniil Galitsky, who presented him American family during a visit to the US back in 2015.
* * *
Despite the fact that Ukrainian nationalism as a political movement in Ukraine and in the diaspora has many directions and groups squabbling among themselves, modern stage it is defined by just a few markers. First of all, this is hatred of Russia and Russians, completely illogical and fierce. The same, devoid of logic, love for Bandera. The conviction that the famine of the 1930s was a “Holodomor”, specially organized by the Moscow rulers in order to exterminate exclusively Ukrainians and no one else. And, of course, language is a forced imposition Ukrainian language by effectively banning people of any nationality from speaking their own language native language. First of all, Ukrainian nationalists fight with native speakers of the Russian language, although sometimes others get the worst of it.
« In the nation’s struggle for life and freedom, language is the last barricade, writes the newspaper of Ukrainian nationalists in the USA “Svoboda” in an editorial. — If it falls, the Ukrainian state, even if it is a thousand times sovereign and independent, will lose the meaning of its existence».
After acceptance scandalous law“On Education”, which actually introduces a ban on obtaining complete general secondary education in any language other than Ukrainian, Ukraine found itself in the epicenter of a major international scandal, therefore many articles of the Svoboda newspaper are devoted specifically to the defense of this law. Moreover, nationalists demand a further tightening of the linguistic dictate.
The most remarkable thing is that the issue of language now quarrels not only Maidan and anti-Maidanovites, as was the case during the Euromaidan and at the beginning of the war in Donbass, but also the Maidanists themselves, among whom there are many Russian-speaking Russophobes (as paradoxical as it sounds) like Arsen Avakov and his shoulder pad Anton Gerashchenko.
These people prove that it is they, the Russian-speaking people, who are mainly fighting in the Donbass now. Which, in general, is true, since the crooked Ukrainian nationalists for the most part prefer to be punishers of civilians, rather than participants in hostilities. What they have demonstrated throughout their history.
But, alas! Russian-speaking Russophobes are already convinced and will be even more convinced from their own experience that they will not be able to coexist peacefully (or even non-peacefully) with nationalists. They are not such people, these nationalists.
Ukrainian nationalism is always war
Here are the typical arguments of Ukrainian nationalists cited by Svoboda. Here they already agreed that their Russian-speaking “brothers” were declared the main reason for the war in Ukraine. " The key to the war in Ukraine are Russian-speaking people who stubbornly ignore the concept of a single state language. You, fundamentally monolingual Russian-speaking people, can be wonderful people, donate money to the army, your sons can serve in the ranks Armed Forces Ukraine - but you, without realizing it, are the guarantee of war. Because you are native speakers of Russian who ignore Ukrainian, you mark my country as a country of the “Russian world”... Your speech makes my country a country of the “Russian world”. The whistling of bullets and the cannonade of Grads sounds in your language...»
In connection with this passage, we recall the history of the UPA, which in the first years of the Great Patriotic War actively recruited into its ranks people from the eastern regions of Ukraine who fled from German captivity to territories controlled by the UPA or who lagged behind their units and settled in Carpathian villages. These people were told that they were the same Ukrainians as those from the western regions of Ukraine, and that they should fight together. Some believed, others simply had no choice, or rather the choice was between joining the UPA and death. And, indeed, for some time there was a small percentage of Ukrainians and even ethnic Russians from eastern Ukraine in the UPA.
But when the offensive of the Red Army began, at the beginning of 1944 an order came from one of the organizers of the Volyn massacre, Dmitry Klyachkivsky, to secretly destroy all ethnic Russians fighting as part of the UPA. And at the end of the same 1944, people from the eastern regions of Ukraine were exterminated. Moreover, they were destroyed regardless of how they treated the UPA. Even if they were entirely on her side, they were still destroyed. Like hated “swindlers”.
And now history repeats itself
Today, numerous propaganda television programs from the Euromaidan era about how Russian-speaking and Ukrainian-speaking citizens are striving together for Europe have already been forgotten; the bilingual slogans of the beginning of the war in Donbass “One Country - One Country” have been forgotten. Now, for Ukrainian nationalists, their Russian-speaking brothers are the “guarantee of war” and part of the “Russian world” they hate.
After all, since the time of Mazepa, for Ukrainian nationalists in serving their Western masters, the people have been only consumables.
It is possible to talk about Ukrainians as an established nation starting from the middle of the 17th century, from the time of the liberation war against Poland, led by Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Then, as a result of “showing off” (mass transfer of “volosts and cities” to the Cossacks), the unity of the entire South Russian people was completed. According to historian Vladimir Sekachev, “on the one hand, [the Little Russians] continued to consider themselves Russians, on the other, having become part of the Muscovite kingdom (by decision of the Pereyaslav Rada in 1654), they felt their differences from their North Russian neighbors. These differences were primarily social: serfdom and unlimited autocracy reigned in Russia, while in Ukraine there was freedom and self-government.” Therefore, early Ukrainian nationalism was not so much ethnic as political character. Let us recall at least Hetman Ivan Mazepa or Grigory Poletika, the author of the “History of the Rus” (mid-18th century), who defended Cossack liberties. However, it cannot be said that until the middle of the 19th century, separatist sentiments were popular among Ukrainian patriots. Such famous “Ukrainophiles” as Mikhailo Maksimovich, Nikolai Kostomarov or Panteleimon Kulish considered Russians and Ukrainians to be “two Russian nationalities”, which in the future will merge, as in the times Kievan Rus. The revival of a single ethnic group, in their opinion, will be accompanied by fundamental changes in political life: autocracy will replace ancient Russian democracy.
State error
It is clear that the tsarist government could not turn a blind eye to such democratic aspirations, and from the 1860s it began persecuting “Ukrainophiles.” In particular, teaching at school and publishing books in Ukrainian are prohibited. In addition, the trustees of the Kharkov, Kyiv and Odessa educational districts were required to provide a personal list of teachers with a note on the trustworthiness of each in relation to “Ukrainophile tendencies”, while those who were suspected of heresy were required to be transferred to work in the Great Russian provinces. Therefore, many “Ukrainophiles” were forced to emigrate to Galicia (Galicia), a region in the east of the Austro-Hungarian Empire inhabited by Ruthenian Ukrainians.
According to the philosopher Mikhail Popovich:
“Galicia of the 19th century was a community - a closed ethnic community that was formed as a result of harsh confrontation with the Polish, Austro-German and Jewish environment.” Rusyn patriots “people's people” considered themselves true heirs The Kyiv state, which still retained its pre-Mongol ethnic identity, and insisted on a special historical mission for a free Ukraine. Disillusioned with the ideals of uniting the Little Russian and Great Russian peoples, Ukrainophile emigrants took the side of the “People’s People.”
Through their efforts, Lviv, the capital of Galicia, soon became a stronghold of “independenceists” who preached Ukrainian national exclusivity and the need for separation from Muscovy. Thus, the actions of the tsarist administration turned Ukrainian patriots towards a break with the Great Russians. The ideological inspirer of the Galician “independents” was Lviv University professor Mikhail Grushevsky. He substantiated the ethnic difference between Ukrainians (true Russians) and Muscovites (descendants of Finns and Tatars) and accused Russia of discrimination towards Ukraine. Grushevsky himself dreamed of the revival of his homeland within the borders from the Carpathians to the Caucasus and from the Crimea to Voronezh.
Nationalism in practice
However, the ideas of the Galicians were not popular in Little Russia, which was confirmed by the civil war of the early twentieth century. The efforts of Grushevsky's followers - Symon Petlyura and Vladimir Vinnychenko - to create an independent nation state were a complete fiasco. Vinnichenko wrote with grief about the acute “antipathy masses(their Ukrainians, who could not even speak Russian)” to their efforts. “Ukrainian nationalism in Russia,” wrote Rosa Luxemburg, “was completely different from, say, Czech, Polish or Finnish, nothing more than a simple whim, the antics of several dozen petty-bourgeois intellectuals, without any roots in economics, politics or the spiritual sphere countries".
Nevertheless, it was to the 1920s that the Russian philosopher Georgy Fedotov attributed the era of “the birth of a new Ukrainian consciousness, in essence, the birth of a new nation.” Only this birth was led not by nationalists, but by Ukrainian communists (since 1922, Ukraine became part of the USSR), who managed to boost the local economy and, within the framework of the Leninist plan, the rights of nations to self-determination and cultural autonomy. It was in the mid-1920s that Little Russian culture was revived while maintaining friendly relations with Russia (alas, in the 1930s this policy would be replaced by total Sovietization, which eradicated national traditions).
Dmitry Dontsov. Author of the famous manifesto of radical Ukrainian nationalism. What about Galicia? According to the Riga Peace Treaty of 1921, it became part of Poland, which pursued a harsh discriminatory policy against the Rusyns, the result of which was supposed to be the complete assimilation of the Galicians.
In response to the oppression in Western Ukraine, the nationalist movement grew stronger, led by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in 1929. Its ideologist was Dmitro Dontsov, who defended the fascist ideals of a great nation, which should not be stingy in its means in the name of a bright imperial future, which will certainly come after the victory over the “lords”, “Muscovites” and “kikes”.
The popularity of the OUN in Western Ukraine especially increased after the annexation of Galicia to the Ukrainian SSR in 1939, which was accompanied by repressions against the national intelligentsia, forced collectivization, nationalization and an attack on the church. After the start of the Great Patriotic War, the OUN gained the opportunity to operate throughout Ukraine, but met with little understanding on the main territory of the Ukrainian SSR (in Little Russia), which was brought up in the 1930s in the spirit of proletarian internationalism and brotherhood of nations in the territory Soviet Union. In addition, the OUN managed to compromise itself through collaboration with the Nazis and mass repressions.
“After the war,” writes Vladimir Sekachev, “the leaders of the OUN settled in West Germany, from where they began to assure Western world, that... there is a Ukraine separate from Russia, with Galicia as its center, ready to “liberate Russified Little Russia from Soviet totalitarianism“and contribute to the death of the USSR, so desired by the liberal Western powers.”
1 shilling note, reverse, issued in 1949. National Liberation Foundation OUN. The work of dissidents
Galicia was truly unsettled for a long time: forced Sovietization and repressions against activists national movement led to the fact that the concepts of “communist”, “Russian” and “enemy” became synonymous for the Rusyns. Nevertheless, by the early 1950s, the Soviet government, with a strong hand, managed to bring Western Ukraine to submission. But in the 1960s, during the “thaw” period, when the intelligentsia of all Soviet republics began to spontaneously search for its folk roots, Ukrainian nationalism again raised its head. This was a response to the policy of Moscow, which proclaimed the birth of a new historical community - the Soviet people, in which all the nationalities inhabiting the USSR should dissolve. It was impossible to think of a better reason for the revival of nationalist sentiment among dissidents.
Ukrainian oppositionists suddenly realized that folk traditions Little Russia has been completely emasculated by denationalizing Sovietization and eke out its existence only at the level of “dumplings and hopak”, while the true, undeformed folk culture huddles in the west of the republic. “In this regard,” says Vladimir Sekachev, “Ukrainian dissidents [throughout the Ukrainian SSR] turned to the culture of Galicia... Young people began to come here from other regions of Ukraine to study, and the intelligentsia sought to work here.
Becoming “Galicians,” the sixties found themselves defenseless, even succumbing to the temptations of the ideology of national exclusivity and superiority.”
It was thanks to the sixties that the sprouts of Galician nationalism took root in a significant part of Little Russia, which had never happened before. It was the sixties that laid the foundation for the orientation of subsequent generations of the Ukrainian intelligentsia towards independence, which found a second wind after the collapse of the USSR. According to political scientist Eduard Popov, it was Galician nationalism that became the state ideology of Ukraine at the dawn of the 21st century.
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