Coup in the USSR 1993. Communist Party of the Russian Federation Crimean Republican branch

Based on all open sources of information, we tried to find out, with an accuracy of a few minutes, what happened in the center of Moscow 20 years ago.

16:00 Moscow time. A man in camouflage uniform told reporters. That he is a fighter of the Alpha special forces and will enter the White House to begin negotiations on the surrender of its defenders.

15:50 Moscow time. It looks like the confrontation has come to an end. Leaflets entitled “The Testament of the White House Defenders” are scattered around the White House. The message says: “Now, when you read this letter, we are no longer alive. Our bullet-riddled bodies are burning within the walls of the White House.”

“We truly loved Russia and wanted order to be restored in the country. So that all people have equal rights and responsibilities, so that everyone is prohibited from breaking the law, regardless of position. We had no plans to escape abroad."

“Forgive us. We also forgive everyone, even the boy soldiers who were sent to shoot us. It's not their fault. But we will never forgive this devilish gang that sat on Russia’s neck. We believe that in the end our Motherland will be freed from this burden.”

15:30 Moscow time. Troops loyal to President Yeltsin resumed shelling the White House.

15:00 Moscow time. The Alpha and Vympel special forces received orders to storm the White House. However, the command says that it will continue to negotiate for some time, trying to convince the defenders of the building to surrender.

14:57 Moscow time. White House defenders say they have no idea what kind of snipers were on the roof.

According to the former First Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR Andrei Dunaev, before his eyes a police officer was shot dead by a sniper. “We ran to the roof, where a shot was heard, but there was no one there anymore. Judging by how everything happened, neither the KGB nor the Ministry of Internal Affairs were to blame for this. This was done by someone else, maybe even a foreign intelligence agent,” Dunaev suggested.

14:55 Moscow time. One of the Alpha Group officers is killed by a sniper.

“One of our soldiers, young lieutenant Gennady Sergeev, died. His group drove up to the White House in an infantry fighting vehicle. A wounded soldier lay on the asphalt; he had to be evacuated. However, at that very moment the sniper shot Sergeev in the back. But the shot did not come from the White House - that's for sure. This shameful murder had only one goal - to provoke Alpha, so that the fighters would burst into the building and kill everyone there,” said the commander of the Alpha group, Gennady Zaitsev.

14:50 Moscow time Unknown snipers are firing indiscriminately into the crowd around the White House. Yeltsin's supporters, police officers, and ordinary people are becoming targets for shots. Two journalists and a woman were killed, two soldiers were wounded.

14:00 A short lull at the White House. Several defenders of the building came out to surrender.

13:00: According to former MP Vyacheslav Kotelnikov, there have already been many victims on different floors of the White House in Moscow.

“When I walked from one floor of the building to another, I was immediately struck by how much blood, dead and mutilated bodies there was everywhere. Some of them were beheaded, others had their limbs torn off. These people died when tanks started shooting at the White House. However, pretty soon this picture stopped shocking me, because I had to do my job.”

12:00: The Public Opinion Foundation organized a telephone survey of Muscovites. As it turned out, 72% of respondents supported President Yeltsin, 9% were on the side of parliament. 19% of respondents refused to answer the questions.

11:40: Due to the uncoordinated actions of the police security cordons, several teenagers managed to break into the parking lot in front of the White House. Aggressive youth tried to take possession of weapons abandoned by the wounded. This was announced by the commander of the Taman division. Several cars were also stolen.

11:30: 192 victims required medical assistance. 158 of them were hospitalized, 19 subsequently died in hospitals.

11:25: Heavy gunfire resumed in front of the building. The ceasefire agreement was violated. At the same time, people remained in the White House.

11:06: Crowds of people gathered on Smolenskaya Embankment and Novy Arbat who wanted to watch the assault on the Supreme Council. The police failed to disperse the onlookers. According to photographer Dmitry Borko, there were many teenagers and women with children in the crowd. They stood very close to the building and seemed not at all concerned about their safety. 11:00: A ceasefire is declared to allow women and children to leave the White House.

10:00: Defenders of the White House said there were many dead in the building as a result of tank fire.

“When the tanks started shooting, I was on the 6th floor,” said one of the eyewitnesses of the events. - There were a lot of civilians there. All unarmed. I thought that after the shelling the soldiers would rush into the building and tried to find some kind of weapon. I opened the door of the room where a shell had recently exploded, but I couldn’t get in: everything was covered in blood and strewn with fragments of bodies.”

09:45: Supporters of President Yeltsin, using megaphones, convince the White House defenders to stop resisting. “Drop your weapon. Give up. Otherwise you will be destroyed." These calls are heard again and again.

09:20: Tanks fire at the upper floors of the White House from the Kalinin Bridge (now Novoarbatsky Bridge). Six T-80 tanks fired 12 salvos at the building.

“The first salvo destroyed the conference room, the second destroyed Khasbulatov’s office, the third destroyed my office,” said former Vice President and one of the leaders of the White House defenders, Alexander Rutskoy. “I was in the room when a shell flew through the window. It exploded in the right corner of the room. Luckily, my desk was in the left corner. I ran out in complete shock. I don’t know how I even stayed alive.”

9:15: The Supreme Soviet is completely cordoned off by troops loyal to President Yeltsin. They also occupied several neighboring buildings. The building is constantly being shelled with machine guns.

09:05: A televised address by President Boris Yeltsin was broadcast, in which he called the events taking place in Moscow a “planned coup” organized by communist revanchists, fascist leaders, some former deputies, representatives of the Soviets.”

“Those who are waving red flags have once again stained Russia with blood. They hoped for surprise, that their impudence and unprecedented cruelty would sow fear and confusion,” Yeltsin said.

The President assured the Russians that “the armed fascist-communist rebellion in Moscow will be suppressed in the shortest possible time. The Russian state has the necessary forces for this.”

09:00: Defenders of the White House responded with fire to shots fired by the president's supporters. As a result of the shelling, a fire started on the 12th and 13th floors of the building.

08:00: Infantry fighting vehicles opened targeted fire on the White House.

07:50: A shootout began in the park adjacent to the White House.

07:45: The wounded defenders of the White House and the bodies of the dead were moved to one of the building's lobbies.

“I saw about 50 wounded. They lay in rows on the floor in the lobby. Most likely, the bodies of the dead were also there. The faces of those lying in the front rows were covered,” recalled Nikolai Grigoriev, a surgeon and former Minister of Health of Chuvashia, who actually led the makeshift medical unit of the besieged Supreme Council.

07:35: White House security personnel are called to leave the building.

07:25: Five infantry fighting vehicles destroyed the barricades erected by the defenders of the White House and took up positions on Free Russia Square - directly in front of the building.

07:00: Shooting continues outside the White House. Police captain Alexander Ruban, who was filming everything that was happening from the balcony of the Ukraina Hotel, was mortally wounded.

06:50: The first shots are heard near the White House in the center of Moscow.

“We were alerted at 06:45. Still sleepy, we ran out of the building and immediately came under fire. We lay down on the ground. Bullets and shells whistled just ten meters from us,” said one of the White House defenders, Galina N.

About how Russia approached the threshold of civil war,
stood near him and stepped back - in a special project for Kommersant

The referendum on confidence in the President and the Supreme Council, which went down in history under the slogan “Yes, yes, no, yes,” seemed to both sides to be a relatively peaceful way to resolve the conflict. By that time, a constitutional crisis had been developing in the country for several months, the beginning of which is considered to be December 1992. Then, at the seventh emergency congress, Yegor Gaidar was not approved as Prime Minister, his place was taken by Viktor Chernomyrdin, and it was then that the deputies adopted a resolution to hold a national referendum on April 25.

A month before the referendum, on March 28, 1993, in Moscow, an extraordinary congress of people's deputies voted on a draft resolution calling early presidential elections. 617 deputies voted for the impeachment of Boris Yeltsin, with the required 689 votes. “When impeachment failed, the deputies themselves breathed a sigh of relief. This was the impetus for calling for a referendum,” recalls Sergei Shakhrai (Deputy Prime Minister in 1993 - Kommersant). “Each of the sides had the illusion that victory could be achieved this way, and most importantly, people went not to the barricades, but to the ballot box."

After a long struggle over the wording, citizens were asked to answer four questions: . Boris Yeltsin’s team came up with and promoted the now famous slogan “Yes-yes-no-yes”, under which a propaganda campaign was held, which is now recognized as the first full-fledged political advertising campaign in Russia.

But the referendum could not resolve the crisis. Although citizens formally answered all four questions exactly as the presidential team suggested, the required 50% of the total number of voters did not vote for early elections of people’s deputies. There was no point in raising the question of impeachment after the referendum, but Boris Yeltsin did not receive any legitimate grounds for dispersing the Supreme Council (SC). That is why in October 1993 he had to do it by force.

“Night Wolves” led by the Surgeon (Alexander Zaldostanov, nicknamed the Surgeon, is the president of the “Night Wolves” bikers association, awarded the Order of Honor in 2013. - Kommersant), who now supports Vladimir Putin, then traveled and campaigned for Boris Yeltsin’s team .

The May Day march of 1993 was not the first mass opposition event of 1992-93, marked by clashes between demonstrators and the police, but it was the prologue to the October confrontation, participants in the events now say. The demonstration did not go according to script from the very beginning. The day before, the organizers received a notification from the Moscow City Hall that the authorities were not ready to allow their usual route from Kaluzhskaya Square to Manege this time. As one of the organizers of the demonstration, the leader of Labor Russia Viktor Anpilov, recalls, at the mayor’s office they were asked to limit themselves to the route to the Crimean Bridge, which was unacceptable for the oppositionists. According to him, on the morning of May 1, there were already chains of riot police and mounted police on Krymsky Val. “They intended to prevent the storming of the Kremlin; the authorities, then and now for some reason, believe that the protesters will definitely storm the Kremlin,” adds Viktor Anpilov. The main part of the demonstration followed a route that was not even discussed with the mayor’s office - along Leninsky Prospect to Vorobyovy Gory to hold a rally at the observation deck of Moscow State University.

The police, having learned about the plans of the protesters, also began to regroup in order to prevent the march along an unauthorized route. Riot police erected barricades on the approaches to Gagarin Square. That's where the riots happened.

The crowd moving along the avenue ran into trucks that blocked the avenue, and riot police lined up in front of them. The fight began right under the banner “Happy Holidays, dear Russians,” stretched across the entire Leninsky Prospekt. The protesters beat the riot police with flagpoles, tore off their helmets, the police responded to the oppositionists with rubber batons, and a fire truck sprayed the crowd with a fire hose. As a result of the fight, one of the riot police officers, 25-year-old Vladimir Tolokneev, died, who was caught between two colliding ZIL-130 trucks, one of which was driven by an unidentified demonstrator. In the footage of the chronicle, you can see how protesters in a truck with the banner “The dictatorship of the working man will save the country” run over another riot policeman, who, however, suffered less. Viktor Anpilov admits that the protesters tried to break the chain on the trucks, the keys to which the drivers left in the ignition locks, but claims that there were seriously injured among the demonstrators, and the police acted “much harsher than even a year ago on Bolotnaya Square.” According to one of the organizers of the march, deputy Ilya Konstantinov, more than 200 victims were hospitalized as a result of the May 1 clashes. As a result of those events, a criminal case was opened against Viktor Anpilov for organizing mass riots. After October 1993, it was combined with the case of the storming of Ostankino, but was subsequently dropped due to the amnesty.

Then everything was concentrated in Moscow, and unlike 1991, unrest did not spill over into the regions, the main passions were in full swing in the capital, and the country was mostly silent.

Women and children were hit by batons. The demonstrators were accused of trying to break through to the Kremlin, although even a fool would understand that the path from Oktyabrskaya Square along Leninsky leads in the opposite direction.

Oleg Shein, co-chairman of the United Front of Workers in 1993

It is impossible to understand the May events without the context of the previous months. Beatings of demonstrators by riot police were common throughout the second half of 1992 and throughout 1993. The WWII veteran died as a result of the dispersal of a rally on February 23, 1992, after which people took to the streets, outraged by this tragedy. So the demonstrators were ready for clashes with riot police, and all subsequent events are known.

The basis of the confrontation between the President and the Supreme Council in 1993 was the issue of adopting a new Constitution. The Constitutional Conference, called to discuss and adopt it, opened in the Kremlin on June 5. Preparations for it began immediately after the April referendum. The old Soviet Constitution could no longer meet political realities, was overloaded with constant amendments and became a victim of the struggle between the president and parliament, recalled the President of Dagestan and then Chairman of the Council of Nationalities of the Supreme Council Ramazan Abdulatipov this summer. It was decided to include delegates from five different groups at the meeting: representatives of federal authorities, authorities of constituent entities of the Russian Federation, local governments, trade unions, youth, public organizations and religious denominations, as well as commodity producers and entrepreneurs.

How the constitutional conference worked

At a meeting on June 5, Boris Yeltsin emphasized the impossibility of further development of the country while maintaining the Soviet Constitution and outlined a step-by-step procedure for adopting a new one: first, agree on the text of the main law, then representatives of the constituent entities of the federation would have to initial this draft, and finally, the constituent entities of the federation would have to propose to the congress approve the agreed draft Constitution as a whole. Boris Yeltsin's words about the need to abandon the Soviet Constitution aroused indignation among a number of deputies of the Supreme Council, led by its chairman. Ruslan Khasbulatov tried to make a response speech. There was a commotion in the hall, the guards did not allow the chairman of the Supreme Council to approach the podium for a long time, and when he finally came out to it and began to speak, the president’s supporters began to whistle, stomp and slam his words. Stating that those gathered were unable to resolve serious issues, the Chairman of the Supreme Council left the hall, followed by deputies. In total, between 100 and 150 delegates left the hall.

Then the most scandalous moment of that day occurred, when either while trying to leave the hall after Mr. Khasbulatov, or when trying to break through to the podium, a member of the Russian Communist Workers' Party, People's Deputy Yuri Slobodkin, was taken out of the hall by security. The removal of the deputy was eventually stopped only by the shout of Boris Yeltsin, Mr. Slobodkin recalls, but when the security finally let him go, the shoe fell off the deputy’s foot. “I raised this shoe over my head and shouted: “Boris Nikolaevich, here is your democracy!” After that, we went to the Supreme Council,” recalls the former people’s deputy. According to ex-Prosecutor General Valentin Stepankov, from the first day of the Constitutional Conference it was obvious that it would be impossible to work and conduct any constructive discussions in such a large audience, so the main work on the text of the Constitution ultimately took place within working groups. The first stage of the work of the Constitutional Conference ended on July 12, 1993 with the signing of an agreed document by the majority of delegates.

Valentin Stepankov, in 1993, Prosecutor General of Russia

Even if it was in a hurry, even if the majority of the people did not read the Constitution and voted for it completely thoughtlessly, it was a return to the legal field. This was an attempt to return to a civilized state. Although there were different ways of developing events - it was possible to freeze the situation, to do without parliament for a year or two.

Since 1992, the Constitution, adopted in 1978, was already Russian; the Congress of People's Deputies made numerous changes to the chapter on human rights and freedoms. Therefore, when Yeltsin raised the question of whether it was constitutional, we were indignant and began chanting: “Shame! Shame!” Boris Yeltsin needed justification for his actions to radically change the political system. And the 1978 Constitution recognized the congress, not the president, as the highest body of power in the country. During the speech of the Chairman of the Supreme Council, there was such a hubbub in the hall that he could not even say a sentence. As a result, Khasbulatov waved his hand and walked towards the exit from the Marble Hall of the Kremlin. We followed him.

By the end of summer, the conflict between the executive and legislative branches of government moved into the financial stage: both sides had access to the distribution of budget funds and accused their opponents of dishonesty. On September 1, Boris Yeltsin simultaneously dismissed Vice President Alexander Rutsky and Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir Shumeiko, who were at the center of the scandal. Alexander Rutskoy was accused of concealing illegal income and owning accounts in a Swiss bank. The vice president himself accused Vladimir Shumeiko of misusing budget funds allocated for the purchase of baby food.

The participants in the conflict began to find out which side was the most corrupt in early 1993. On February 19, Alexander Rutskoy, who headed the interdepartmental commission to combat corruption, published a program that he called “It’s dangerous to continue living like this.” On April 16, following the results of the commission’s work, Mr. Rutskoi said that he had collected “11 suitcases of incriminating evidence” against ex-Prime Minister Yegor Gaidar, ex-Minister of Press and Information Mikhail Poltoranin and Secretary of State Gennady Burbulis, Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir Shumeiko and Chairman of the State Property Committee Anatoly Chubais.

The Supreme Council handed over the materials to the Prosecutor General's Office. Boris Yeltsin responded by removing Mr. Rutsky from the leadership of the commission, which was headed by lawyer Andrei Makarov. On July 23, the Supreme Council agreed to initiate a criminal case against Vladimir Shumeiko. Boris Yeltsin responded by firing Security Minister Viktor Barannikov, who was suspected of helping Mr. Rutskoi in collecting incriminating evidence. Already in August 1993, a commission led by Mr. Makarov made accusations against Mr. Rutsky. The reaction of officials to the removal from office was indicative. Vladimir Shumeiko was not at all upset and even stated that he “asked for” his dismissal. And Alexander Rutskoy, together with deputies of the Supreme Council, headed by its speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov, called the presidential decree illegal. On September 3, the Supreme Council by its decision suspended the decree regarding the vice president.

Both corruption cases fell apart quite quickly. Alexander Rutskoi left the post of vice-president only after the October events, and Vladimir Shumeiko returned to his post and worked as deputy prime minister until January 1994, when he headed the Federation Council. Boris Yeltsin has repeatedly addressed the topic of corruption in difficult moments. In 1996, the fight against corruption became one of the main themes of the entire campaign.

Gennady Zyuganov, leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

Yeltsin's camarilla was eager to quickly sell off people's property into private hands. These people understood perfectly well that they would not succeed in their plans if they did not destroy Soviet power.

Andrey Nechaev, Russian Minister of Economy in 1992-1993.

The scale in terms of the amount and involvement of people in corruption schemes has grown significantly over 20 years. Another thing is that the budget then was much more modest. A feature of that time was that various distribution functions of the state were developed. The Supreme Council, for example, had complete control over the Central Bank. They could issue various types of soft loans. If today this procedure is systematized, then it was often an individual decision of someone from the leadership of the Central Bank or the Supreme Court.

The outcome of the constitutional crisis was marked by presidential decree No. 1400 “On step-by-step constitutional reform in the Russian Federation.” In accordance with the decree, all functions of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council were terminated and elections were scheduled for a new parliament - the Federal Assembly, which were to be held on December 11-12. “Thus, although the presidential decree does not stipulate this, presidential rule was introduced in Russia before the elections. The President of Russia has finally done what both his supporters and opponents have been waiting for quite a long time,” the Kommersant newspaper reported the next day.

In his memoirs, “Notes of the President,” Boris Yeltsin recalled that he began work on the decree in early September. The book “The Age of Yeltsin,” written by his former assistants, recalls such an episode. The President invited one of his team members to his place and showed him a draft of the document. “In Yeltsin’s characteristic handwriting, several points were written in large letters: “dissolve the congress and the Supreme Council,” “dissolve the Constitutional Court,” “the prosecutor general is subordinate to the president.” “You know, Boris Nikolayevich,” the interlocutor answered, “this thing is, of course, stronger than Goethe’s Faust, but it seems to me that specialists still need to work here.” A few days later, Yuri Baturin, assistant to the head of state for legal issues, was involved in the work Other people close to Boris Yeltsin at that time also took part in the discussion, including the head of his security service, Alexander Korzhakov.

On September 17, presidential aide Viktor Ilyushin called the presidential office and said to its head, Viktor Semenchenko: “Do you have any round number on the way for a decree?” “Is room 1400 okay?” - asked Mr. Semenchenko. “It will do.” Make a reservation." On September 21, the decree was signed. At 17:00, the Kremlin began recording a video message from the president, which was heard at 20:00. The Constitutional Court, at an urgently convened night meeting on September 21-22, ruled by nine votes to four that the presidential decree and his address to the nation contradicted a number of articles of the Constitution and “serve as a basis for the removal of Russian President Boris Yeltsin from office.” Member of the Constitutional Court Gadis Gadzhiev this year, in a conversation with a Kommersant correspondent, admitted that the decision at that time was hasty, but was sure: “Even if we had taken a delay of three or four days, the decision would have been the same: it is obvious that the president exceeded then your powers.”

At 23:00 on September 21, access to the White House was blocked. An hour earlier, at an emergency meeting of the Presidium of the Supreme Council, Alexander Rutskoy accepted the powers of acting. O. president. There were difficult negotiations ahead with the participation of Patriarch Alexy II at the St. Daniel Monastery.

Victor Alksnis, in 1993 deputy chairman of the executive committee of the National Salvation Front

I slept on the floor in the corridor, covering myself with carpet runners. On September 29, on the square near the Ulitsa 1905 metro station, I tried to stop the lawlessness of the riot police, who were beating Muscovites who opposed amendments to the Constitution. I fell under these batons, and for the next 10 minutes the riot police kicked and punched me. As a result, I ended up in the hospital. Sklifosovsky with a broken arm, a broken head and a concussion.

Valentin Stepankov, in 1993, Prosecutor General of Russia

I understand that if the Supreme Council had won, given the alignment of political forces, it would have been Yeltsin’s temporary retreat. A month and a half, and we would have had a serious continuation.

Viktor Aksyuchits, in 1993, chairman of the subcommittee on relations with foreign organizations of the Supreme Council of Russia Committee on Freedom of Conscience, Religion, Mercy and Charity

The leadership of the Supreme Council at that time, and indeed in general, was not very capable. The situation could have been resolved through negotiations, but the culprit for the fact that an agreement was not reached was Yeltsin, who carried out a coup.

Two weeks passed from the moment Boris Yeltsin signed Decree No. 1400 until the conflict entered the armed stage. The Supreme Council (SC) did not agree with its dissolution, and the Congress of People's Deputies removed Boris Yeltsin from the post of president, entrusting his powers to Vice President Alexander Rutsky, who immediately canceled decree No. 1400. Rallies were held in the city in support of the Supreme Council.

Until the beginning of October, there was a positional war between the parties. Several thousand supporters of the Supreme Council gathered inside the cordon set up around the house blocked by the White. The issue of issuing weapons to them was discussed. Estimates of the weapons stockpile in the building still vary from 150 guns to several hundred to several thousand guns. “There were guns, grenade launchers, and other automatic weapons,” says Mr. Korzhakov. “It was also used to fire during the clashes near Ostankino on October 3, on the eve of the assault,” says ex-chief of Boris Yeltsin’s security, Alexander Korzhakov.

As a result of the fighting during the day, according to official data, 74 people were killed, including 26 military and employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, 172 were wounded. In total, on October 3-4, according to the investigation, at least 123 people were killed, at least 348 were injured As a result of the fire, the 12th to 20th floors of the building were almost completely destroyed, about 30% of the total area of ​​the White House was destroyed.

Sergei Filatov, Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation (January 19, 1993 – January 16, 1996)

Around twenty minutes to nine Juna (clairvoyant - Kommersant) called me and said that she saw tanks coming to Moscow. They really walked along the Minsk highway. Several units of special equipment were immediately dispatched to Ostankino to calm everything down there. It was absolutely clear to me that if we didn’t act tough, an intensification of hostilities and a civil war could begin in the morning.

In the first years of the existence of the Russian Federation, the confrontation President Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Council led to an armed clash, the shooting of the White House and bloodshed. As a result, the system of government bodies that had existed since the times of the USSR was completely eliminated, and a new Constitution was adopted. AiF.ru recalls the tragic events of October 3-4, 1993.

Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, according to the 1978 Constitution, was empowered to resolve all issues within the jurisdiction of the RSFSR. After the USSR ceased to exist, the Supreme Council was a body of the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (the highest authority) and still had enormous power and authority, despite amendments to the Constitution on the separation of powers.

It turned out that the main law of the country, adopted under Brezhnev, limited the rights of the elected President of Russia Boris Yeltsin, and he sought the speedy adoption of a new Constitution.

In 1992-1993, a constitutional crisis erupted in the country. President Boris Yeltsin and his supporters, as well as the Council of Ministers, entered into a confrontation with the Supreme Council, chaired by Ruslana Khasbulatova, most of the people's deputies of the Congress and Vice President Alexander Rutsky.

The conflict was connected with the fact that its parties had completely different ideas about the further political and socio-economic development of the country. They had especially serious disagreements over economic reforms, and no one was going to compromise.

Exacerbation of the crisis

The crisis entered its active phase on September 21, 1993, when Boris Yeltsin announced in a televised address that he had issued a decree on a phased constitutional reform, according to which the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council were to cease their activities. He was supported by the Council of Ministers headed by Viktor Chernomyrdin And Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov.

However, according to the current Constitution of 1978, the president did not have the authority to dissolve the Supreme Council and the Congress. His actions were regarded as unconstitutional, and the Supreme Court decided to terminate the powers of President Yeltsin. Ruslan Khasbulatov even called his actions a coup.

In the following weeks, the conflict only escalated. Members of the Supreme Council and people's deputies were actually blocked in the White House, where communications and electricity were cut off and there was no water. The building was cordoned off by police and military personnel. In turn, opposition volunteers were given weapons to guard the White House.

Storming of Ostankino and shooting of the White House

The situation of dual power could not continue for too long and ultimately led to mass unrest, an armed clash and the execution of the House of Soviets.

On October 3, supporters of the Supreme Council gathered for a rally on Oktyabrskaya Square, then moved to the White House and unblocked it. Vice President Alexander Rutskoy called on them to storm the city hall on Novy Arbat and Ostankino. Armed demonstrators seized the city hall building, but when they tried to get into the television center, tragedy broke out.

A special forces detachment of the Ministry of Internal Affairs “Vityaz” arrived in Ostankino to defend the television center. An explosion occurred in the ranks of the fighters, from which Private Nikolai Sitnikov died.

After this, the Knights began shooting at the crowd of supporters of the Supreme Council gathered near the television center. The broadcast of all TV channels from Ostankino was interrupted; only one channel remained on the air, broadcasting from another studio. The attempt to storm the television center was unsuccessful and led to the death of a number of demonstrators, military personnel, journalists and random people.

The next day, October 4, troops loyal to President Yeltsin began storming the House of Soviets. The White House was shelled by tanks. There was a fire in the building, due to which its façade was half blackened. Footage of the shelling then spread throughout the world.

Onlookers gathered to watch the shooting of the White House, but they put themselves in danger because they came into the sight of snipers positioned on neighboring houses.

During the day, the defenders of the Supreme Council began to leave the building en masse, and by the evening they stopped resisting. Leaders of the opposition, including Khasbulatov and Rutskoy, were arrested. In 1994, the participants in these events were granted amnesty.

The tragic events of late September - early October 1993 claimed the lives of more than 150 people and injured about 400 people. Among the dead were journalists covering what was happening, and many ordinary citizens. October 7, 1993 was declared a day of mourning.

After October

The events of October 1993 led to the fact that the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies ceased to exist. The system of government bodies left over from the times of the USSR was completely eliminated.

Photo: Commons.wikimedia.org

Before the elections to the Federal Assembly and the adoption of the new Constitution, all power was in the hands of President Boris Yeltsin.

On December 12, 1993, a popular vote was held on the new Constitution and elections to the State Duma and the Federation Council.

September 21, 1993 Yeltsin a coup d'état was carried out. In accordance with the Constitution and the opinion of the Constitutional Court, Yeltsin and security ministers are legally removed from their duties. Rutskoy and the new ministers began to fulfill the duties assigned to them by law. The defenders of parliament had practically no weapons! In total, automatic weapons were issued: 74 AKS-74U assault rifles, 5 RPK-74 assault rifles. Starting from September 24th, Yeltsin almost every night he tried to organize an armed assault on parliament; the massacre was postponed and postponed until the next night due to circumstances beyond his control.

The first official warning that the White House would be stormed if they refused to comply was made on September 24th. On the same day, the X (extraordinary) Congress of People's Deputies decided on simultaneous re-elections of deputies and the president no later than March 1994.

The Russian House of Soviets was surrounded by " Bruno's spiral", machine gunners and armored personnel carriers, a complete blockade of parliament was carried out: on September 21, all types of communications were turned off, on September 23, light, heat and hot water were turned off, on September 28, the entrance of people and the entry of vehicles, the supply of food and medicine was completely blocked (for example, September 27), Ambulances were not allowed through, even to people with, for example, diagnoses: “acute cerebrovascular accident” (09/27), “cervical spine fracture” (09/28), “unstable angina” (10/1). The temperature in the building dropped below 8 degrees, outside during the day - to -9 and -12 degrees Celsius.

“Conclusions: In medical terms, the emergency situation in the White House arose not on October 4, but on September 27, when several thousand people, due to their convictions, did not leave the besieged area, were on duty around the clock at the barricades in any weather, deprived of basic amenities due to power outages , communications, heating, subject to constant nervous and physical stress, were, by the will of the leadership of the Main Medical Directorate of Moscow and the Center for Emergency Medicine, deprived of the right to medical care. We can't call it anything other than malfeasance. We assert that if the State Medical University and the Center for Emergency Medicine organized the timely delivery of medicines necessary for medical care. equipment, organized constant duty in the cordoned off zone, and not outside, ambulance teams, even if they were simply neutral in providing assistance to the victims, the number of victims during the events of October 3-4 would have been significantly less.” (Information material on the state of medical support for defenders of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation from September 21 to October 4, 1993. From a report prepared by doctors of the Rescue Center of the Moscow Medical Academy named after I.M. Sechenov)

On September 29, the government of the Russian Federation and Moscow presented an ultimatum - everyone must leave the House of Soviets by October 4, otherwise there will be “grave consequences.” On September 30, 62 constituent entities of the Federation supported parliament and presented Yeltsin with an ultimatum demanding simultaneous re-elections. The decisive meeting of the Federation Council is scheduled for 18.00 on October 3. The continuation of negotiations under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church was scheduled for 16.00 on October 3.

Yeltsin spoke out against the idea of ​​early simultaneous re-elections. Chernomyrdin also refused the demand for a peaceful solution, saying that they had “another solution.” Solution shoot parliament October 4 was decided between September 29 and 30, preparations were carried out openly. September 30th Shahray appointed head of the group for legal support of Decree No. 1400 with instructions to complete the work by October 4. October 1 Poltoranin sent a letter to the editors-in-chief with an order demanding “to treat with understanding the measures that the President will take on October 4th” and “not to dramatize their possible consequences.” On the afternoon of October 3, all Moscow hospitals, at the direction of the Central Internal Affairs Directorate, received telephone messages from the Moscow Main Medical Directorate about the planned arrival of the wounded.

The shooting of parliament had to be justified by a specially prepared provocation; by order of “acting Peerage" to the MVD officers was entrusted with the stick war provoke demonstrators to retaliatory violence. On October 3, between a third and half a million unarmed citizens came out in support of parliament from Moscow's Oktyabrskaya Square. Demonstrators in an organized column went to the White House and Ostankino. After the demonstrators broke through to the White House, machine-gun fire was opened on people on the main staircase and at the 20th entrance of parliament. The Ministry of Internal Affairs submachine gunners from the mayor's office, on orders, launched an attack on the White House. Shooting from the city hall and the Mir Hotel at the doors of the White House killed 7 people and wounded 34. This was the first mass shooting and the beginning of the storming of parliament. The unexpected pause of 15 hours was caused both by the defection of two companies of the Sofrinsky brigade to the side of parliament, along with 200 OMSDON military personnel, and by the decisive actions of the demonstrators.

At 15.00 on October 3, Erin ordered the Ministry of Internal Affairs to open fire on hundreds of thousands of unarmed people. At 16.00 Yeltsin signed decree No. 1575 and exempted the army from criminal liability for violations of the law, A Grachev ordered army units to join the executioners from the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Shooting of parliament supporters was sanctioned by Yeltsin and the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and everything that followed from 16.00 on October 3 no longer mattered.

At 16.05 after the shelling of parliament and the killing of the first people Rutskoy gave the order to storm the city hall and go to Ostankino. City Hall (from the moment the first demonstrator entered its doors) was taken without a single shot being fired. On October 3, a categorical order was in effect Rutskogo And Achalova O non-use of weapons. Bloodshed at City Hall was avoided thanks to Makashov. The road to Ostankino was blocked by superior armed units of the Dzerzhinsky Ministry of Internal Affairs division in trucks and armored personnel carriers. A convoy of demonstrators stopped in front of them. By order of the commander of the VV A.S. Kulikova The Ministry of Internal Affairs troops voluntarily allowed this column to pass. The Ministry of Internal Affairs knew that there were only two dozen people with weapons in the column.

Having missed the column at Ostankino, near Chekhov Street, the Ministry of Internal Affairs troops in trucks and 10 Vityaz armored personnel carriers overtook the column of demonstrators and went ahead into an ambush at Ostankino, where they positioned themselves behind the technical center building. On October 3, at the Ostankino television center, from 5:45 pm to 7:10 pm, a peaceful rally was held for an hour and a half demanding the provision of airtime to parliament. Demonstrators made no attempts to storm or enter the television center building. Despite the requirement Makashova enter into negotiations Bragin didn't show up. Demonstrators with official credentials warned everyone about responsibility for any shot, paying special attention to special forces. They were informed that there was an unarmed demonstration of two hundred thousand people. Makashov guaranteed the commander of the Vityaz armored personnel carrier group that not a single shot would be fired from the demonstrators.

By the time the execution began at Ostankino, there were less than 4 thousand unarmed demonstrators who arrived by vehicle; they were guarded by 18 armed people. The television center was guarded by 25 armored personnel carriers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and more than 510 (690) submachine gunners of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. At about 19.00, the leadership of the police guard of the ASK-3 technical center, on their own initiative, entered into negotiations, where they announced Makashov about readiness to come under the jurisdiction of the Supreme Council and transfer the technical center to its official representatives. The police officer was seized on the street by an officer from Dzerzhinsky's division and was forcibly held in the technical center building. The Vityaz special forces opposing the police avoided negotiations. After a truck rammed the entrance doors to the technical center, General Makashov without a weapon, he went out into the lobby alone to negotiate. He invited the special forces not to interfere with the legitimate authorities and gave them time to freely leave the building. He sternly warned about the inadmissibility of any shot.

The first shot was fired at Ostankino from the roof of the television center ASK-1 special forces "Vityaz"! They shot without warning. The order to open fire was personally given by Major General VV Pavel Golubets. A demonstrator at the entrance to the ASK-3 technical center was seriously wounded by a shot. The technical center police from the end of the building announced for the second time that they had gone over to the side of parliament and called Makashova. Two minutes after the first shot, special forces from the Ministry of Internal Affairs from the ASK-3 hall threw two or three grenades at the feet of the crowd and began to shoot people on Korolev Street from two buildings in a coordinated manner. From the technical center they fired to kill with machine guns and machine guns, and four machine gunners fired from the roof of the television center. A group of people at the entrance to ASK-3 was completely destroyed, only one person survived there.

More than half of the armed guards of the convoy were killed on the spot; those who survived during the lull left Ostankino through the grove by 21.00. Makashov did not give the order to return fire and none of the demonstrators fired. The shooting of the Ministry of Internal Affairs soldiers at unarmed people, the wounded and orderlies continued until the approach of a two hundred thousand peaceful demonstration. Shooting at emerging and moving targets at night in conditions of limited visibility - the head of shooting at the site is a lieutenant colonel Lysyuk. After the shooting of demonstrators near the ASK-3 building (technical center), a two hundred thousand strong column of unarmed demonstrators from Oktyabrskaya Square approached the building of the ASK-1 television center. The peaceful demonstration was met with machine gun and machine gun fire at point-blank range.

Six delegates-demonstrators from officers and employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs came to negotiations with Vityaz and demanded an immediate ceasefire, explaining that there were only unarmed people on the street. The “Vityazis” ceased fire for half an hour and, as a condition for continuing negotiations, demanded that everyone leave the fence of the television center building. As soon as the deceived people left the fence, they began to methodically shoot them with small arms and armored personnel carriers. The execution continued until 5.45 on October 4th. Single shots were heard until 12.00. They shot the wounded, the orderlies, and the ambulances. The storming and shooting of parliament on October 4, 1993 began suddenly, without any announcement or prior warning. The attackers made no offers to surrender or remove the women and children from the building. No ultimatums of surrender were issued to parliament. The first bursts from the armored personnel carrier killed about 40 unarmed people.

According to Rutskogo, in the “White House” at the time of the attack there were up to 10 thousand people, including women and children. Repeated demands Rutskogo stopping fire on the “White House” and allowing women and children to be taken out of the building of the House of Soviets had no effect on the stormers - the fire did not stop for 10 hours! During this time, the leaders of the action did not make a single offer to the people shot in the House of Soviets to surrender; they were not given the opportunity to remove women and children from under fire, which they had to do under fire, with losses.

On October 4, armored vehicles and troops were sent to shoot the parliament with an unprecedented and unjustified advantage: For each machine gun of the defenders of parliament, exactly three units of armored vehicles were thrown into battle - two cannons and two tank machine guns (one heavy machine gun and one machine gun Kalashnikov), one sniper each. To kill an individual child, woman or man in the House of Soviets, an entire platoon or squad of drunken machine gunners was assigned. Only about 121-145 people did not give up and escaped from the “White House” alive, of which about 71 (95) people escaped through underground communications on October 4th and 5th in different directions, about 50 people fought their way through the top 4- October 1st in the direction of the Krasnopresnenskaya metro station.

There is no statute of limitations for murder! On October 4th the order was in force Erina-Kulikova(Ministry of Internal Affairs), Gracheva(My Barsukova(GUO): – destroy those in the “White House”! Orders for complete destruction and shooting to kill were openly transmitted over radios by the assault commanders. Barsukov officially ordered Alpha to destroy those in the White House, Grachev– tank crews, Tula and Taman residents, Erin- Riot police and Dzerzhinsk residents. Korzhakov After the prisoners were taken to the stairs of the White House, he publicly demanded that the defenders of parliament be shot: “ I have an order to eliminate everyone in uniform!”

After the deputies left with the Alpha, this order was carried out exactly. All remaining defenders of the parliament were destroyed, with the exception of those arrested on the afternoon of October 5 in the basement - four police officers of the OSN Department of Security and several local workers, as well as sixteen defenders from the barrier of the 14th entrance (arrested at 3.30 on October 5 on the 6th floor of the White House ). The bodies of those executed were secretly removed and destroyed.

Proof that the order was carried out is that, according to official data, not a single wounded person or corpse was found in the parliament building. Those killed on the street, collected by medical teams, were officially declared as dead in the “White House” Y. Kholkhina and A. Shestakova. Recognizing the fact of the mass murder of the people remaining in the “White House” and the fact of the secret removal and burial of their bodies, it is impossible to answer the question about the exact number of people killed without a special investigation. In any case, we are talking about hundreds of executed in the White House building.

October 3-5th mercenaries Yeltsin They died only from their own bullets! Almost all those killed, according to official data, from among those who shot the parliament or demonstrators in Ostankino were killed in units Erina(Ministry of Internal Affairs) and Barsukova(GUO). Official data on losses and the number of troops participating in the coup d'etat and massacres: State Department of Defense (18,000) - only 1 killed: killed by a sniper of the State Department of the Russian Federation from a room completely controlled by the State Department of Defense and the Ministry of Internal Affairs! Moscow Region (more than 9,000) - a total of 6 killed, of which 6 were killed by Yeltsin’s units (1 - riot police, 1 - Ministry of Internal Affairs from an armored personnel carrier, 3 - Main Directorate of Defense, 1 - captured and, apparently, shot on the orders of the commanders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs or State Department of Defense )! Ministry of Internal Affairs and Internal Troops (more than 40,000) - a total of 5 killed (and one mortally wounded), of which 3 were killed or died due to the fault of Yeltsin’s units, 2 were not identified, 1, together with the entire crew of the armored personnel carrier, was destroyed from a grenade launcher 119 pdp.

The defenders of parliament practically did not shoot! Not a single person is known to have died from their bullets! The circumstances of the death of only 2 military personnel - mercenaries - have not been clarified.

Yeltsin's decree No. 1400 is an act of coup d'etat!!!

The truth about the 1993 White House shooting

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The economic and political crisis that began in the 80s of the 20th century in the USSR intensified significantly in the 90s and led to a number of global and radical changes in the territorial and political system of one sixth of the land, then called the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and its collapse .

It was a period of intense political strife and confusion. Supporters of maintaining a strong central government came into conflict with supporters of decentralization and sovereignization of the republics.

On November 6, 1991, Boris Yeltsin, who by that time had been elected to the post of President of the RSFSR, by his decree stopped the activities of the Communist Party in the republic.

On December 25, 1991, the last President of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, spoke on central television. He announced his resignation. At 19:38 Moscow time, the USSR flag was lowered from the Kremlin, and after almost 70 years of existence, the Soviet Union disappeared forever from the political map of the world. A new era has begun.

Crisis of dual power

Confusion and chaos, which always accompany changes in the political system, did not bypass the formation of the Russian Federation. At the same time as the Congress of People's Deputies retained broad powers, the post of President was established. Dual power arose in the state. The country demanded rapid changes, but the President, before the adoption of the new version of the basic law, was severely limited in power. According to the old Soviet Constitution, most of the powers were in the hands of the highest legislative body - the Supreme Council.

Parties to the conflict

On one side of the confrontation was Boris Yeltsin. He was supported by the Cabinet of Ministers, headed by Viktor Chernomyrdin, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov, a small part of deputies, as well as security forces.

On the other side was the bulk of the people's representatives and members of the Supreme Council, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov and Alexander Rutsky, who served as vice president. Among their supporters, the majority were communist deputies and members of nationalist parties.

Causes

The President and his associates advocated for the rapid adoption of a new basic law and strengthening the influence of the President. The majority were supporters of “shock therapy”. They wanted the speedy implementation of economic reforms and a complete change in all power structures. Their opponents advocated that all power should remain with the Congress of People's Deputies, and also against hasty reforms. An additional reason was the reluctance of the Congress to ratify the treaties signed in Belovezhskaya Pushcha. And supporters of the Council believed that the president’s team was simply trying to blame their failures in reforming the economy on them. After lengthy and fruitless negotiations, the conflict reached a dead end.

Open confrontation

On March 20, 1993, Yeltsin spoke on central television about the signing of decree No. 1400 “On phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation.” It provided for management procedures during the transition period. This decree also provided for the termination of the powers of the Supreme Council and the holding of a referendum on a number of issues. The President argued that all attempts to establish cooperation with the Supreme Council had failed, and to overcome the protracted crisis he was forced to take certain measures. But later it turned out that Yeltsin never signed the decree.

On March 28, the Congress considers the proposal to impeach the President and dismiss the head of the Council, Khasbulatov. Both proposals did not receive the required number of votes. In particular, 617 deputies voted for Yeltsin’s impeachment, and at least 689 votes were needed. The draft resolution on holding early elections was also rejected.

Referendum and constitutional reform

On April 25, 1993, a referendum was held. There were four questions on the ballot. The first two are about trust in the President and the policies he pursues. The last two are about the need for early elections of the President and deputies. The respondents answered positively to the first two, but the latter did not receive the required number of votes. The draft of the new version of the Constitution of the Russian Federation was published in the Izvestia newspaper on April 30.

Escalation of confrontation

On September 1, President Boris Yeltsin issued a decree on the temporary removal of A. V. Rutsky from his position. The Vice President constantly sharply criticized the decisions made by the President. Rutskoi was accused of corruption, but the accusations were not confirmed. In addition, the decision made did not comply with the norms of the current law.

On September 21 at 19:55 the Presidium of the Supreme Council received the text of Decree No. 1400. And at 20-00 Yeltsin addressed the people and announced that the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council were losing their powers due to their inactivity and sabotage. Temporary management bodies were introduced. The Russian Federation was appointed.

In response to the actions of the President, the Supreme Council issued a resolution on the immediate removal of Yeltsin and the transfer of his functions to Vice President A.V. Rutsky. This was followed by an appeal to the citizens of the Russian Federation, the peoples of the commonwealth, deputies of all levels, military personnel and law enforcement officers, which called for stopping the attempted “coup d’etat.” The organization of the security headquarters of the House of Soviets also began.

Siege

At approximately 8:45 p.m., a spontaneous rally was gathering near the White House, and the construction of barricades began.

On September 22 at 00-25 Rutskoi announced his assumption of office as President of the Russian Federation. In the morning there were about 1,500 people near the White House; by the end of the day there were several thousand. Volunteer groups began to form. Dual power arose in the country. The heads of administrations and security officials mostly supported Boris Yeltsin. Bodies of representative power - Khasbulatov and Rutsky. The latter issued decrees, and Yeltsin, with his decrees, declared all his decrees invalid.

On September 23, the government decided to disconnect the House of Soviets building from heating, electricity and telecommunications. The security of the Supreme Council was issued machine guns, pistols and ammunition for them.

Late in the evening of the same day, a group of armed supporters of the Armed Forces attacked the headquarters of the joint armed forces of the CIS. Two people died. The president's supporters used the attack as a reason to increase pressure on those holding the blockade near the Supreme Council building.

At 22-00 the extraordinary extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies opened.

On September 24, the Congress recognized President Boris Yeltsin as illegitimate and approved all personnel appointments made by Alexander Rutsky.

Deputy Prime Minister of the Government S. Shakhrai said that people's deputies had become virtually hostages of armed extremist groups forming in the building.

September 28. At night, employees of the Moscow Central Internal Affairs Directorate blocked the entire territory adjacent to the House of Soviets. All approaches were blocked with barbed wire and sprinklers. The passage of people and transport has been completely stopped. Throughout the day, numerous rallies and riots of supporters of the Armed Forces occurred near the cordon ring.

September 29. The cordon was extended all the way to the Garden Ring. Residential buildings and social facilities were cordoned off. By order of the head of the Armed Forces, journalists were no longer allowed into the building. Colonel General Makashov warned from the balcony of the House of Soviets that if the perimeter of the fence was violated, fire would be opened without warning.

In the evening, the demand of the Russian government was announced, in which Alexander Rutsky and Ruslan Khasbulatov were asked to withdraw from the building and disarm all their supporters by October 4 under a guarantee of personal safety and amnesty.

September 30th. At night, a message was circulated that the Supreme Council was allegedly planning to carry out armed attacks on strategic targets. Armored vehicles were sent to the House of Soviets. In response, Rutskoy ordered the commander of the 39th Motorized Rifle Division, Major General Frolov, to move two regiments to Moscow.

In the morning, demonstrators began to arrive in small groups. Despite the completely peaceful behavior, the police and riot police continued to brutally disperse the protesters, which further aggravated the situation.

October 1st. At night, negotiations took place in the St. Danilov Monastery with the assistance of Patriarch Alexy. The president's side was represented by: Oleg Filatov and Oleg Soskovets. Ramazan Abdulatipov and Veniamin Sokolov arrived from the Council. As a result of the negotiations, Protocol No. 1 was signed, according to which the defenders handed over some of the weapons in the building in exchange for electricity, heating and working telephones. Immediately after the signing of the Protocol, heating was turned on in the White House, electricity was installed, and hot food began to be prepared in the dining room. About 200 journalists were allowed into the building. It was possible to enter and exit the besieged building relatively freely.

2 October. The Military Council led by denounced Protocol No. 1. The negotiations were called “nonsense” and a “screen.” An important role in this was played by the personal ambitions of Khasbulatov, who was afraid of losing power in the Supreme Council. He insisted that he must personally negotiate directly with President Yeltsin.

After the denunciation, the power supply in the building was again cut off, and access control was tightened.

Attempted capture of Ostankino

14-00. A rally of thousands is being held on Oktyabrskaya Square. Despite attempts, riot police are unable to dislodge the Protestants from the square. Having broken through the cordon, the crowd moved towards the Crimean Bridge and beyond. The Moscow Central Internal Affairs Directorate sent 350 internal troops to Zubovskaya Square and tried to cordon off the protesters. But within a few minutes they were crushed and pushed back, capturing 10 military trucks.

15-00. From the balcony of the White House, Rutskoy calls on the crowd to storm the Moscow City Hall and the Ostankino television center.

15-25. A crowd of thousands, having broken through the cordon, is moving towards the White House. The riot police who moved to the mayor's office open fire. 7 protesters were killed and dozens were injured. 2 police officers were also killed.

16-00. Boris Yeltsin signs a decree introducing a state of emergency in the city.

16-45. Protestants, led by the appointed Minister of Defense, Colonel General, seize the Moscow City Hall. Riot police and internal troops were forced to retreat and in a hurry left 10-15 buses and tented trucks, 4 armored personnel carriers and even a grenade launcher.

17-00. A column of several hundred volunteers in captured trucks and armored personnel carriers, armed with automatic weapons and even a grenade launcher, arrives at the television center. In the form of an ultimatum they demand to provide a live broadcast.

At the same time, armored personnel carriers of the Dzerzhinsky division, as well as special forces units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs "Vityaz" arrive at Ostankino.

Long negotiations begin with the security of the television center. While they are dragging on, other detachments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and internal troops arrive at the building.

19-00. "Ostankino" is guarded by approximately 480 armed soldiers from different units.

Continuing the spontaneous rally, demanding to be given airtime, the protesters attempted to break down the glass doors of the ASK-3 building with a truck. They succeed only partially. Makashov warns that if fire is opened, the protesters will respond with the grenade launcher they have. During the negotiations, one of the general's guards is wounded by a firearm. While the wounded man was being carried out to the ambulance, explosions were simultaneously heard near the demolished doors and inside the building, presumably from an unknown explosive device. A special forces soldier dies. After this, indiscriminate fire was opened on the crowd. In the approaching twilight, no one knew who to shoot at. They killed Protestants, journalists, and simply sympathizers trying to pull out the wounded. But the worst thing began later. In panic, the crowd tried to hide in Oak Grove, but there the security forces surrounded them in a tight ring and began shooting them at point-blank range from armored vehicles. Officially, 46 people died. Hundreds of wounded. But perhaps there were many more victims.

20-45. E. Gaidar appeals on television to supporters of President Yeltsin with a call to gather near the Mossovet building. From among those who arrive, people with combat experience are selected and volunteer detachments are formed. Shoigu guarantees that people will receive weapons if necessary.

23-00. Makashov orders his people to retreat to the House of Soviets.

White House shooting

October 4, At night, Gennady Zakharov’s plan to seize the House of Soviets was heard and approved. It included the use of armored vehicles and even tanks. The assault was scheduled for 7-00 am.

Due to the chaos and lack of coordination of all actions, conflicts occur between the Taman division that arrived in Moscow, armed people from the “Union of Afghan Veterans” and Dzerzhinsky’s division.

In total, 10 tanks, 20 armored vehicles and approximately 1,700 personnel were involved in the shooting of the White House in Moscow (1993). Only officers and sergeants were recruited into the detachments.

5-00. Yeltsin issues Decree No. 1578 “On urgent measures to ensure the state of emergency in Moscow.”

6-50. The shooting of the White House began (year: 1993). The first to die from a bullet wound was the police captain, who was on the balcony of the Ukraina Hotel and filmed the events taking place on a video camera.

7-25. 5 infantry fighting vehicles, crushing the barricades, enter the square in front of the White House.

8-00. Armored vehicles open aimed fire at the windows of the building. Under cover of fire, fighters of the Tula Airborne Division are approaching the House of Soviets. The defenders shoot at the military. A fire started on the 12th and 13th floors.

9-20. The shooting of the White House from tanks continues. They began to fire at the upper floors. A total of 12 shells were fired. Later it was claimed that the shooting was carried out with blanks, but judging by the destruction, the shells were live.

11-25. Artillery fire resumed again. Despite the danger, crowds of curious people begin to gather around. There were even women and children among the onlookers. Despite the fact that 192 victims of the White House shooting have already been admitted to hospitals, 18 of whom have died.

15-00. Unknown snipers open fire from high-rise buildings adjacent to the House of Soviets. They also shoot at civilians. Two journalists and a woman passing by are killed.

The special forces units “Vympel” and “Alpha” are given the order to storm. But contrary to the order, the group commanders decide to make an attempt to negotiate a peaceful surrender. Later, the special forces will be secretly punished for this arbitrariness.

16-00. A man in camouflage enters the room and leads about 100 people out through the emergency exit, promising that they are not in danger.

17-00. The special forces commanders manage to persuade the defenders to surrender. About 700 people left the building along a lively corridor of security forces with their hands raised. They were all put on buses and taken to filtration points.

17-30. Still in the House, Khasbulatov, Rutskaya and Makashov asked for protection from the ambassadors of Western European countries.

19-01. They were detained and sent to the pre-trial detention center in Lefortovo.

Results of the storming of the White House

Very different assessments and opinions now exist about the events of “Bloody October”. Data on the number of deaths also vary. According to the Prosecutor General's Office, 148 people died during the White House shooting in October 1993. Other sources give figures from 500 to 1,500 people. Even more people could have become victims of executions in the first hours after the end of the assault. Witnesses claim to have observed the beatings and executions of detained Protestants. According to the testimony of deputy Baronenko, about 300 people were shot without trial at the Krasnaya Presnya stadium alone. The driver who transported the corpses after the shooting of the White House (you can see photos of those bloody events in the article) claimed that he was forced to make two trips. The bodies were taken to the forest near Moscow, where they were buried in mass graves without identification.

As a result of the armed confrontation, the Supreme Council ceased to exist as a state body. President Yeltsin asserted and strengthened his power. Undoubtedly, the shooting of the White House (you already know the year) can be interpreted as an attempted coup. It is difficult to judge who was right and who was wrong. Time will judge.

Thus ended the bloodiest page in the new history of Russia, which finally destroyed the remnants of Soviet power and turned the Russian Federation into a sovereign state with a presidential-parliamentary form of government.

Memory

Every year in many cities of the Russian Federation, many communist organizations, including the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, organize rallies in memory of the victims of that bloody day in the history of our country. In particular, on October 4, in the capital, citizens gather on Krasnopresenskaya Street, where a monument to the victims of the Tsar’s executioners was erected. A rally is held here, after which all its participants make their way to the White House. They are holding portraits of victims of “Yeltsinism” and flowers.

After 15 years since the shooting of the White House in 1993, a traditional rally was held on Krasnopresenskaya Street. His resolution consisted of two points:

• declare October 4 a Day of Mourning;
• erect a monument to the victims of the tragedy.

But, to our great regret, the participants of the rally and the entire Russian people did not receive an answer from the authorities.

20 years after the tragedy (in 2013), the State Duma decided to create a Commission of the Communist Party faction to verify the circumstances preceding the events of October 4, 1993. Alexander Dmitrievich Kulikov was appointed Chairman. On July 5, 2013, the first meeting of the created commission took place.

Nevertheless, Russian citizens are confident that those killed in the White House shooting in 1993 deserve more attention. Their memory must be perpetuated...