Landowner-clerical conservative parties. Fair Russia

Date of Birth

Place of Birth

Pushkin Pushkinsky district St. Petersburg.

Education

Leningrad Mining Institute named after. G.V. Plekhanov (1980); St. Petersburg Technical University (1992); Russian Academy civil service under the President Russian Federation– graduated with honors (1997); Faculty of Law - graduated with honors (1998), Faculty of Philosophy from St. Petersburg State University (2004).

Awards, promotions

Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2007); Order of the Russian Orthodox Church Sergius of Radonezh, II degree (2003) and I degree (2008), Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow (2016); Order of the Holy Archangel Michael, 1st degree (2014, Donetsk People's Republic) for services to the formation of statehood in the DPR, as well as rendering humanitarian aid to the population of Donbass.

Party position

Chairman of the Party A JUST RUSSIA.

Family status

Married, two sons and a daughter.

Labor activity

From 1971 to 1973 he served in military service airborne troops(VDV) of the Soviet Army. Guard Senior Sergeant of the Airborne Forces Reserve. From 1978 to 1986 he worked as a senior engineer-geophysicist at the NPO Rudgeofizika, then as a geophysicist at the Zelenogorsk expedition of the USSR Ministry of Geology. In 1986–1991 In the direction of the USSR Ministry of Geology, he worked as a senior geophysicist for the air party in Mongolia. In 1993, he received a certificate from the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation for the right to work in the market valuable papers. 1993–1995 - Executive Director of the Construction Corporation Revival of St. Petersburg OJSC.

Social and political activities

Since April 2003 he has been chairman Russian Party LIFE. On October 28, 2006, a unification congress of the new political party “A JUST RUSSIA: Motherland/Pensioners/Life”, created on the basis of the Russian Party of LIFE, the “Motherland” party and the Russian Party of Pensioners, took place. Sergei Mironov was elected chairman of the party.

Participation in elections

In 1994 he was elected as a deputy Legislative Assembly St. Petersburg of the 1st convocation, since April 1995 - First Deputy Chairman of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. From April to December 1998, he served as Chairman of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. In December 1998, he was elected as a deputy of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of the 2nd convocation in the 12th electoral district, receiving 70% of the vote (the best result in the city). Became coordinator of the Legality faction. In June 2000, he was elected deputy chairman of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. Since September 2000 - Chairman of the Political Council of the St. Petersburg regional political public movement "Will of Petersburg". Since June 13, 2001 – member of the Federation Council Federal Assembly RF. From December 5, 2001 to May 17, 2011 – Chairman of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. On June 8, 2011, the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation registered Sergei Mironov as a deputy of the State Duma of the fifth convocation. On June 14, 2011, at a meeting of the “A JUST RUSSIA” faction, Sergei Mironov was elected its leader. On December 4, 2011, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the VI convocation from the Party A JUST RUSSIA, headed the “A JUST RUSSIA” faction in the State Duma of the VI convocation. Since July 11, 2012 – member State Council Russian Federation. On September 18, 2016, elected to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation VII convocation according to the federal list of candidates of the Political Party A JUST RUSSIA(federal part). Elected leader of the faction "A JUST RUSSIA".

Russia is a politically free country. This is evidenced by the considerable number of registered various political parties. However, according to the Constitution, parties that propagate the ideas of fascism, nationalism, call for national and religious hatred, deny universal human values ​​and undermine moral norms have no right to exist in Russia. But even without that there are enough parties in Russia. Below we will announce the entire list of political parties in Russia and give brief information about them.

Features of parliamentarism in Russia

Unfortunately, democracy in historical development our country is an atypical phenomenon. Monarchism and totalitarian socialism are something else. The entire experience of parliamentarism in Russia comes down to a short period from the creation of the State Duma (1905) to the October Revolution of 1917. In the USSR, parliamentarism in a one-party system ( Communist Party was absent in principle. During the transition to democracy, this “legacy” is reflected in the form of methods of struggle and intolerance towards opponents. The inheritance from the CPSU, it seems, was purely Russian concept"party in power"

Administrative resource

The experience of the one-party system in Russia is rich. It is not surprising that, remembering the old things, government officials and the highest echelons of power are interested in creating a party that supports the current government. Its main members are government officials, state and municipal employees; to a certain extent, the party’s activities use the so-called administrative resource (government support). Guided by these signs, political scientists include “United Russia”, as well as the former “Our Home is Russia” and “Unity” from the list of political parties in Russia.

Oldest batch

This should probably be recognized as the direct heir of the CPSU. Political changes forced modern communists shift your views significantly to the right and reorganize, but still, no matter how indignant other left-wing parties may be, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a “daughter” of the CPSU.

Regulars of the Duma

Only two parties received mandates in all seven convocations of the State Duma. These are the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party. This result for the first is explained by the traditional popularity of socialist ideas in Russia, the “criticistic” position towards the Russian government, which is a win-win in a country not without problems. Political scientists reduce the achievements of the “liberals” to the personal charisma of the creator and permanent leader of the party, Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

It should, however, be noted that there have always been representatives of the “parties in power” in the Duma. "United Russia" is their direct continuation, but legally this can be considered a lie. United Russia has only been present in the Duma for the last four convocations.

Political poles

Modern parties Russia (in the list below), at least the leading ones, serve as spokesmen popular ideas and unique leaders in their promotion:

• Thus, “United Russia” is a desire for balanced right-wing centrism, propaganda for strengthening state power and respect for it, patriotism, internationalism, harmony in society.
• Communist Party of Russia (CPRF) - social justice, patriotism, respect for history.
• Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR) - radicalism in the pursuit of social justice.
• “A Just Russia” is the ideals of social democracy, including the European one. In this sense, SR follows the once influential, but lost authority, Yabloko association.

There is no strong separate party in the list of political parties in Russia that expresses the interests of business and pro-Western liberalism. The Union of Right Forces became politically bankrupt, and the Civic Platform remained small. The latest attempt so far is the "Party of Growth", but it seems that in a country where the difference in income between rich and poor is large, and there are many poor people, the interests of the rich are alien to the majority of the population. The situation on the political “market” is changeable. For example, it was always difficult to imagine that the popular Yabloko would lose seats in parliament. However...

All registered political parties in Russia: list and their leaders

Let us present to your attention a table.

The consignment	Year of foundation	Ideology	Creators	Leader
"United Russia"	2001	Right-wing democratic centrism	Sergei Shoigu, Mintimer Shaimiev	Dmitry Medvedev
Communist Party of the Russian Federation	1993	Left centrism	Valentin Kuptsov, Gennady Zyuganov	Gennady Zyuganov
LDPR	1989	It declares liberalism, but if you pay attention to the statements of the leader, it is ultra-right.
"Patriots of Russia"	2005	Left centrism	Gennady Semigin	Gennady Semigin
Democratic Party "Yabloko"	1995	Social democracy	Grigory Yavlinsky, Vladimir Lukin	Emilia Slabunova
2005	Social democracy	Sergei Mironov	Sergei Mironov
"Party of Growth"	2008	Right conservative	Boris Titov	Boris Titov
People's Freedom Party	1990	Right center, liberalism	Stepan Sulakshin, Vyacheslav Shostakovsky	Mikhail Kasyanov
Democratic Party of Russia	1990	Right center, liberalism	Nikolay Travkin	Timur Bogdanov
"For the women of Russia"	2007	Conservatism, protection of women's rights	Galina Latysheva	Galina Khavraeva
Green Alliance	2012	Social democracy, ecology	Mitvol Fetisov	Alexander Zakondyrin
Union of Citizens (SG)	2012		Ildar Gaifutdinov	Dmitry Volkov
People's Party of Russia	2012	Centrism	Andrey Bogdanov	Stanislav Aranovich
Civil position	2012	Liberalism	Andrey Bogdanov	Andrey Poda
Social Democratic Party of Russia	2012	Social democracy	Andrey Bogdanov	Sirazhdin Ramazanov
Communist Party of Socialist Justice (CPSU)	2012	Socialism	Andrey Bogdanov	Oleg Bulaev
Party of Pensioners of Russia	2012	Social democracy, protection of the rights of pensioners	Nikolay Chebotarev	Nikolay Chebotarev
Party "GROSS"	2012	Social democracy, protection of the rights of city residents	Yuri Babak	Yuri Babak
Young Russia (MOLROSS)	2012	Centrism, protection of youth rights	Nikolay Stolyarchuk	Nikolay Stolyarchuk
Free Citizens Party	2012	Constitutionalism, liberalism	Pavel Sklyanchuk	Alexander Zorin
"Greens"	1993	Centrism, ecology	Anatoly Panfilov	Evgeniy Belyaev
Communists of Russia (KOMROS)	2009	Left	Konstantin Zhukov	Maxim Suraikin
Agrarian Party of Russia	1993	Centrism, protection of the rights of citizens employed in the agricultural sector of the economy	Vasily Starodubtsev, Mikhail Lapshin, Alexander Davydov	Olga Bashmachnikova
Russian All-People's Union (ROS)	1991	Patriotism, conservatism, Orthodoxy	Sergey Baburin	Sergey Baburin
Party for Justice! (PARZAS)	2012		Vladimir Ponomarenko	Vladimir Ponomarenko
Socialist Party protection	2012	Social justice, left	Victor Sviridov	Victor Sviridov
Civil force	2007	Liberalism, ecology, protection of the rights of small and medium-sized businesses	Alexander Revyakin	Kirill Bykanin
Pensioners' Party for Social Justice	1997	Social justice, protection of the rights of pensioners	Sergey Atroshenko	Vladimir Burakov
People's Alliance	2012	Patriotism	Andrey Bogdanov	Olga Anishchenko
Monarchist Party	2012	Patriotism, monorchism	Anton Bakov	Anton Bakov
Civic platform	2012	Liberalism	Mikhail Prokhorov	Rifat Shaikhutdinov
"HONESTLY"	2012	Christianity, liberalism	Alexey Zolotukhin	Alexey Zolotukhin
Labor Party of Russia	2012	Liberalism	Sergey Vostretsov	Sergey Vostretsov
Against all	2012	Social justice	Pavel Mikhalchenkov	Pavel Mikhalchenkov
Russian Socialist Party	2012	Socialism	Sergey Cherkashin	Sergey Cherkashin
Russian Veterans Party	2012	Patriotism, protection of the rights of military personnel	Ildar Rezyapov	Ildar Rezyapov
ROT FRONT	2012	Left	Victor Tyulkin, Sergei Udaltsov	Victor Tyulkin
Party cause	2012	Democracy, protection of entrepreneurs' rights	Konstantin Babkin	Konstantin Babkin
The consignment National Security Russia (PNBR)	2012	Patriotism	Alexander Fedulov	Alexander Fedulov
"Motherland"	2003	Patriotism	Dmitry Rogozin, Sergei Glazyev, Sergei Baburin, Yuri Skokov	Alexey Zhuravlev
Union of Labor	2012	Social justice, protection of workers' rights	Alexander Shershukov	Alexander Shershukov
Russian People's Government Party	2012	Social democracy	Albert Mukhamedyarov	Albert Mukhamedyarov
"Women's Dialogue"	2012	Traditionalism, patriotism, protection of the rights of women and children	Elena Semerikova	Elena Semerikova
Village Revival Party	2013	Protecting the rights of rural residents	Vasily Vershinin	Vasily Vershinin
Defenders of the Fatherland	2013	Populism, protection of the rights of military personnel	Nikolay Sobolev	Nikolay Sobolev
Cossack Party	2013	Patriotism, protection of the rights of the Cossacks	Nikolay Konstantinov	Nikolay Konstantinov
Development of Russia	2013	Social democracy	Alexey Kaminsky	Alexey Kaminsky
Democratic legal Russia	2013	Moderate liberalism, constitutionalism	Igor Trunov	Igor Trunov
"Dignity"	2013	Liberalism	Stanislav Bychinsky	Stanislav Bychinsky
Great Fatherland	2012	Patriotism	Nikolay Starikov	Igor Ashmanov
Gardeners' Party	2013	Populism, protection of gardeners' rights	Igor Kasyanov	Andrey Mayboroda
Civil initiative	2013	Democracy, liberalism	Dmitry Gudkov	Ksenia Sobchak
Renaissance Party	2013	Socialist democracy	Gennady Seleznev	Victor Arkhipov
National course	2012	Patriotism	Andrey Kovalenko	Evgeny Fedorov
People against corruption	2013	Anti-corruption	Grigory Anisimov	Grigory Anisimov
Native party	2013	Populism		Sergey Orlov, Nadezhda Demidova
Sports party "Healthy Forces"	2013	Populism, protection of athletes' rights	Davyd Gubar	Davyd Gubar
International Party (IPR)	2014	Social harmony of society, internationalism	Zuleikhat Ulybasheva	Zuleikhat Ulybasheva
Socialist Party Reform (AKP)	2014	Social justice	Stanislav Polishchuk	Stanislav Polishchuk
BULGARIA OF RUSSIA	2014	Protecting the rights of people with disabilities	Vladimir Maltsev	Vladimir Maltsev
Party of Good Deeds	2014	Populism, social protection	Andrey Kirillov	Andrey Kirillov
Revival of agrarian Russia	2015	Protection of the rights of the agro-industrial sector	Vasily Krylov	Vasily Krylov
Change	2015	Social justice	Antonina Serova	Antonina Serova
Parents' Party (PRB)	2015	Populism, protection of family interests	Marina Voronova	Marina Voronova
Small Business Party (SMB)	2015	Liberalism, protection of small business rights	Yuri Sidorov	Yuri Sidorov
Non-Party Russia (BPR)	2013	Patriotism, social justice	Alexander Safoshin	Alexander Safoshin
"Power to the People"	2016	Socialism, social justice, people's democracy	Vladimir Miloserdov	Vladimir Miloserdov

This is the list of political parties modern Russia.

Abuse

Every freedom is a risk, a loophole for dishonest people. Parliamentarism should benefit the country and its people. Political technology should hardly be considered a blessing. For example, the famous political strategist Andrei Bogdanov creates parties and then sells them on a turnkey basis to everyone. There are even several such “products” in the list above. Although in 2012 the requirements for registration of political parties were tightened. That’s why this is the year when most new parties were created. But freedom is better than cruel restrictions.

Until 1905, only underground revolutionary parties operated in the Russian Empire. The legal activity of political parties became possible only after the proclamation of the Manifesto on Improvement on October 17, 1905 public order. The same Manifesto announced elections to the State Duma, for seats in which the newly created party organizations began to fight.

"Russian Assembly"

The Russian Assembly began its activities in 1900 as a literary and artistic club for adherents of right-wing conservative views. Its first chairman was the prince and writer Dmitry Golitsyn. It only formed into a political party in 1906. The “Russian Assembly” never participated in the Duma elections, and its political influence, in contrast to its ideological influence, was small, but some leaders of other monarchist and Black Hundred parties emerged from it, such as Alexander Dubrovin, Vladimir Purishkevich, Vladimir Gringmut. At the beginning of World War I, the “Russian Assembly” interrupted its political activities, and in 1917 it ceased to exist.

The party program was based on the famous triad “Orthodoxy. Autocracy. Nationality." It stated that “ Orthodox faith should be dominant in Russia, as an immutable basis of Russian enlightenment and public education”, “tsarist autocracy is the most perfect form of government in Russia”, and “the tsar cannot be subject to any responsibility to anyone other than God and History”, and “Russia is one and indivisible, no autonomy is allowed.”

Members of the “Russian Assembly” were representatives of the nobility, high clergy, officers (until 1906, when the military was prohibited from being members of political organizations), conservative publicists. Among them were the famous publisher Alexei Suvorin, the widow of the great writer Anna Dostoevskaya. Viktor Vasnetsov and Nicholas Roerich sympathized with the “Russian Assembly”.

"Union of the Russian People"

The “Union of the Russian People” arose in 1905 during the First Russian Revolution with the aim of counteracting it. At the origins of the “Union of the Russian People” were the doctor Alexander Dubrovin, the artist Apollo Maykov and his main ideologist, Abbot Arseny (Alekseev), whose radical views and actions more than once aroused the wrath of church hierarchs.

Due to disagreements in the leadership of the party, in 1908 the “Russian People's Union named after Michael the Archangel” under the leadership of Purishkevich separated from it, and in 1912 - the “All-Russian Dubrovinsky Union of the Russian People”, which was headed by the former chairman pushed aside from the leadership. However, there were no significant differences in the programs of these parties. A major landowner and famous publicist Nikolai Markov established himself at the head of the “Union of the Russian People”. Before the February Revolution of 1917, the Union of the Russian People was the most massive political party in Russia, but soon after the revolution it was banned.

The party program was based on the triad “Orthodoxy. Autocracy. Nationality." At the same time, government actions were often sharply criticized; in particular, the Union opposed attracting foreign capital. Russian society members of the Union dreamed of building on the principles of conciliarity, rejecting both revolutionary upheavals and bourgeois democracy. The “Union of the Russian People” has been repeatedly accused of inciting anti-Semitism, organizing Jewish pogroms and political murders.

Attitude to the “Union of the Russian People” in high circles was ambiguous. Emperor Nicholas II himself, Saint John of Kronstadt and many representatives of the higher clergy, including the future Patriarch Tikhon (Belavin), sympathized with his activities. However, Prime Minister Sergei Witte called the Union “an organization of ordinary thieves and hooligans” and believed that “a decent person will not shake hands with them and will try to avoid their company.”

Russian monarchical union

The prototype of the Russian monarchical union - Russian monarchist party was founded in 1905. For a long time, this organization was close to the “Union of the Russian People,” and there was talk of their unification, but then disagreements between the organizations intensified, and in 1909 the Russian Monarchical Union was registered. At the first stage, the leader of the party was the ideologist of the Black Hundreds Vladimir Gringmut, and after his death - Archpriest John (Vostorgov) and Archimandrite Macarius (Gnevushev). The position of the monarchists was greatly shaken at the beginning of the First World War after the prohibition of clergy from being members of political organizations, and also due to financial scandals, in which the party leadership was involved. After the February Revolution, the party was banned, and its leaders were arrested and executed in 1918.

The party advocated an unlimited monarchy, against any concessions to parliamentarism, and classified liberals, along with revolutionaries, as enemies of Russia. At the same time, the monarchists sharply criticized the government (especially when it was led by Sergei Witte) and the state bureaucracy, which, in their opinion, stood between the sovereign and the people. The monarchists were proud of the name “Black Hundreds”: “The enemies of the autocracy called the “Black Hundred” the simple, black Russian people who, during the armed rebellion of 1905, stood up to defend the autocratic Tsar. Is this an honorable name? black hundred“? Yes, very honorable." At the same time, they rejected terror and violent methods of struggle.

The Union of October 17, Russia's largest liberal-conservative party, took its name from the Tsar's manifesto of October 17, 1905, which proclaimed certain civil liberties, including the organization of political parties. The base of the Octobrists were landowners, large entrepreneurs, bureaucracy and the right part of the intelligentsia. Its leader was the prominent lawyer Alexander Guchkov, chairman of the 3rd State Duma, who was later replaced by large landowner Mikhail Rodzianko, chairman of the 3rd (after Guchkov’s resignation) and 4th State Duma. Among the members and supporters of the party were lawyer Fyodor Plevako, jeweler Carl Faberge, geographer and traveler Grigory Grum-Grzhimailo. The Octobrist Party in the Duma was considered the support of the government of Pyotr Stolypin. In 1913, a split occurred in the Octobrist camp, and the party soon practically ceased political activity. However, its leaders played big role in the February Revolution of 1917 and contributed to the abdication of Nicholas II, and subsequently occupied important posts in the Provisional Government.

The key points of the program of the “Union of October 17” were the introduction of a constitutional monarchy, guarantees of civil liberties, the unity and indivisibility of Russia (the right to autonomy was recognized only for Finland).

Centrists

Progressive Party

The Progressive Party was founded in 1912. Its predecessors, the Progressive Economic and Commercial and Industrial parties and the Trade and Industrial Union, which appeared in 1905, did not last long. The Progressive Party was led by industrialist Alexander Konovalov and large landowner Ivan Efremov. One of the richest capitalists, the Ryabushinsky brothers, had great influence in it. After the February revolution, the left progressives, led by Konovalov, joined the ranks of the Cadets, and the right, led by Efremov, transformed into a radical democratic party.

The Progressive Party expressed, first of all, the interests of big business. In the political spectrum, its place was between the Octobrists and the Cadets. Progressives advocated for moderates political reforms, and their ideal was a government system close to the British one, with constitutional monarchy And bicameral parliament, and a fairly high property qualification was assumed for deputies and voters. The Radical Democratic Party, organized by the remnants of the progressives after February 1917, already advocated presidential uniform board with state structure, close to the American one.

Party of Constitutional Democrats (Cadets)

The Constitutional Democratic Party (other names - “People's Freedom Party” and simply “Cadets”) was the largest liberal party Russian Empire. It was founded in 1905 on the basis of the Union of Zemstvo Constitutionalists. The core of the party was the intelligentsia. Its leader was the historian Pavel Milyukov, and among its active members there were scientists Vladimir Vernadsky and Pyotr Struve, a prominent lawyer, the father of the great writer Vladimir Nabokov and many others famous representatives intelligentsia. The party won the elections to the First State Duma, the chairman of which was elected its member, professor of law at Moscow University Sergei Muromtsev. The Second Duma was headed by another cadet, lawyer Fyodor Golovin. Cadets played an important role in the February Revolution of 1917 and occupied key positions in the Provisional Government. Soon after October revolution the constitutional democratic party was banned. Subsequently, its leaders enjoyed great influence in emigrant circles.

The cadet program affirmed the equality of all Russian citizens, regardless of gender, age, nationality, religion and social origin, parliamentary democracy, separation of powers, guarantees of personal freedoms, federal structure Russia with the right of nations to cultural self-determination, free school education, 8 hour work day.

Labor People's Socialist Party

The People's Socialist Party (Enes) was formed in 1905. Its ideology was close to the populism of the 19th century - the party advocated a transition to socialism, relying on the peasant community, bypassing the stage of capitalism. At the same time, the Popular Socialists rejected terror and other violent methods. The People's Socialist Party consisted, for the most part, of left-wing intellectuals and peasants. Their leader was the famous economist Alexei Poshekhonov. After the dissolution of the Second State Duma in 1907 and before the February Revolution of 1917 political activity The party was almost invisible until its remnants united with the Trudoviks in the summer of 1917 to form the Labor People's Socialist Party.

The labor group (trudoviks) arose as an association of deputies of the First State Duma who adhered to populist views. It mainly included deputies from peasants and leaders of the zemstvo movement, as well as some part of the left intelligentsia. Trudoviks positioned themselves as defenders of the interests of all workers: peasants, workers and the working intelligentsia. After the dispersal of the First Duma, some of the group's deputies were arrested, and some emigrated. In subsequent Dumas, the Trudoviks were no longer so numerous. In 1917, they united with the Popular Socialist Party to form the Labor People's Socialist Party. In 1918 the party was banned.

Anarchists

Among revolutionary-minded citizens of the Russian Empire, the ideas of anarchism enjoyed a certain popularity. But there was no large anarchist party in Russia - the rigid party organization contradicted the very essence of this freedom-loving teaching. Anarchists recognized only “the voluntary agreement of individuals into groups and groups among themselves.” They did not want to participate in the elections and activities of the State Duma. There were many anarchist groups of various directions, the unifying figure for which was Prince Peter Kropotkin, who enjoyed enormous authority among all anarchists.

The most influential anarcho-communist group, Bread and Freedom (Bread Volyas), was created by anarchist emigrants in Geneva in 1903. They dreamed not only of the overthrow of tsarism, but also of the abolition of the state in general, and saw the future of the country as a free association of free communes. The Grain Volunteers called for mass strikes and revolutionary uprisings, but at the same time rejected terror. In contrast to the Khlebovoltsy, the group “Black Banner” (Black Banner), whose leader was the writer Judas Grossman, considered expropriations and terror against any “bourgeois” to be the main means of revolutionary struggle.

The Socialist Revolutionary Party (SR), which grew out of the populist organizations of the late 19th century, was for a long time the most massive and the most radical of socialist parties. The date of birth of the party can be considered 1901, but its program was finally formed only at the beginning of 1906. The leader of the Socialist Revolutionary Party was the professional revolutionary Viktor Chernov. After the February Revolution, the number of Socialist Revolutionaries exceeded a million, and the Socialist Revolutionary Alexander Kerensky became the head of the Provisional Government in July. They won a majority in the elections constituent Assembly, which was dispersed by the Bolsheviks. After this, the right Socialist Revolutionaries fought with the Soviets, and the left Socialist Revolutionaries, who broke away from the party, led by Maria Spiridonova, actually joined new government and for several more years they maintained relative independence.

The program of the Socialist Revolutionaries is best characterized by the slogan “Land and Freedom.” They advocated the nationalization of land, the prohibition of its purchase and sale, and the provision of land plots to everyone in an amount that could be cultivated with their own labor. It is not surprising that this party gained the greatest popularity among the peasantry. The Social Revolutionaries stood for the broadest political freedoms and declared the right of peoples to self-determination.

Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP)

The RSDLP was founded illegally in 1898. At its origins stood the prominent philosopher Georgy Plekhanov. In 1903, the party split into 2 groups - the Bolsheviks (who were in the majority at that congress) led by Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin and the more moderate Mensheviks, whose leader was Yuliy Martov. Plekhanov also joined the Mensheviks. The Bolsheviks were inclined towards revolutionary methods of struggle, while the Mensheviks preferred legal activities. The actual split into two parties occurred in 1912, but formally the Bolsheviks finally dissociated themselves from the Mensheviks and became a separate party in the spring of 1917.

By the time of the February Revolution, the Mensheviks were more numerous and influential than the Bolsheviks. Their representatives were part of the Provisional Government. Together with the Social Revolutionaries, they controlled the majority of the councils of workers', peasants' and soldiers' deputies. The Bolsheviks refused to cooperate with the Provisional Government and set a course for preparing armed uprising, which was carried out on October 25, 1917. The Mensheviks condemned the October Revolution. Subsequently, many of their leaders (Martov, Irakli Tsereteli, Pavel Axelrod) ended up in exile, and a significant part of the rank-and-file members chose to collaborate with the Bolsheviks. From 1918 to 1921, the Mensheviks were in power in Georgia.

The RSDLP combined legal activities (its representatives were in the State Duma) with revolutionary struggle. The party had 2 programs: a minimum program and a maximum program. The first provided for the establishment of a democratic republic, the expansion of workers' rights (the establishment of an 8-hour working day, social insurance), civil liberties, and the implementation of the right of nations to self-determination. The goal of the maximum program was socialist revolution, cancel private property for the means of production and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

National

The political programs of the national parties of the Russian Empire, as a rule, differed little from the programs of the central parties, with the exception of emphasizing the issue of national autonomy or independence.

The Bund (General Jewish Workers' Union in Lithuania, Poland and Russia) operated mainly in the western provinces of the Russian Empire. The views of the Bundists were close to the program of the RSDLP, and for some time the Bund was part of it as an autonomous organization, at first leaning towards Bolshevism, and then switching to the side of the Mensheviks. The Bundists opposed the emigration of Jews to Palestine, opposing this to the creation of national-cultural autonomies in places where Jews lived compactly.

"Musavat"

The Muslim Democratic Party Musavat (translated as “equality”) was founded in Baku in 1911 and became the most influential Azerbaijani party, enjoying widespread support. different layers population. Its leader was the writer and journalist Mamed Emin Rasulzade. Initially, its members took the position of pan-Turkism and dreamed of creating a united Turanian Empire with Turkey, but subsequently moderated their demands and, after uniting with the “Turkic Federalist Party,” insisted only on autonomy within Russia. They also advocated republican uniform government, civil liberties, universal free education and social guarantees.

"Dashnaktsutyun"

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation "Dashnaktsutyun" was created in 1890 in Tiflis. Its main goal was the liberation of Turkish Armenia from power Ottoman Empire or, at a minimum, the establishment of Armenian autonomy. To achieve this, it was planned to use all means, including terror. At the beginning of the 20th century, Dashnaktsutyun began to actively participate in the Russian revolutionary movement. Among their demands were the establishment democratic freedoms, transferring all land to peasants and creating national autonomy. In 1918-1921, before the establishment of Soviet power, Dashnaktsutyun was the ruling party of Armenia.

"Belarusian Socialist Community"

"Belarusian Socialist Community", the first political party in Belarus, was created in 1902 on the basis of national student circles. The goal of the party was the creation of Belarusian autonomy, and subsequently even the creation nation state. The socio-economic program of the party was at first close to the Menshevik, and then to the Socialist Revolutionary.

"Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party"

The first Ukrainian political party was the Ukrainian Revolutionary Party, founded in 1900. But a few years later it split into several parts, the largest of which became the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party (USDRP). Its leader was the writer and artist Vladimir Vinnichenko, and in management team included Simon Petlyura, who in those years worked as a teacher and journalist. The USDRP program was very close to the Menshevik one. After the October Revolution, the left wing of the party supported the Bolsheviks, and the right wing headed for the creation of an independent Ukrainian state.

Prince Andrei arrived at the army headquarters at the end of June. The troops of the first army of the one with which the sovereign was located were located in a fortified camp near Drissa; the troops of the second army retreated, trying to link up with the first army, from which they were said to be cut off large forces French. Everyone was dissatisfied with the general course of military affairs in the Russian army; but no one thought about the danger of an invasion of the Russian provinces, no one imagined that the war could be transferred further than the western Polish provinces. Prince Andrei found Barclay de Tolly, to whom he was assigned, on the banks of the Drissa. Since there was not a single large village or town in the vicinity of the camp, the entire huge number of generals and courtiers who were with the army were located in a circle of ten miles along the best houses villages on this side and on the other side of the river. Barclay de Tolly stood four miles from the sovereign. He received Bolkonsky dryly and coldly and said in his German accent that he would report him to the sovereign to determine his appointment, and in the meantime he asked him to be at his headquarters. Anatoly Kuragin, whom Prince Andrei hoped to find in the army, was not here: he was in St. Petersburg, and this news was pleasant for Bolkonsky. Prince Andrei was interested in the center of the huge war taking place, and he was glad to be free for a while from the irritation that the thought of Kuragin produced in him. During the first four days, during which he was not required anywhere, Prince Andrey traveled around the entire fortified camp and, with the help of his knowledge and conversations with knowledgeable people, tried to form a definite concept about him. But the question of whether this camp was profitable or unprofitable remained unresolved for Prince Andrei. He had already managed to derive from his military experience the conviction that in military affairs the most thoughtfully thought-out plans mean nothing (as he saw it in the Austerlitz campaign), that everything depends on how one responds to unexpected and unforeseen actions of the enemy, that everything depends on how and by whom the whole business is conducted. In order to understand this last question, Prince Andrei, taking advantage of his position and acquaintances, tried to understand the nature of the administration of the army, the persons and parties participating in it, and deduced for himself next concept about the state of affairs. When the sovereign was still in Vilna, the army was divided into three: the 1st army was under the command of Barclay de Tolly, the 2nd under the command of Bagration, the 3rd under the command of Tormasov. The sovereign was with the first army, but not as commander-in-chief. The order did not say that the sovereign would command, it only said that the sovereign would be with the armies. In addition, the sovereign did not personally have the headquarters of the commander-in-chief, but the headquarters of the imperial headquarters. With him was the chief of the imperial staff, Quartermaster General Prince Volkonsky, generals, adjutants, diplomatic officials and a large number of foreigners, but there was no army headquarters. In addition, without a position under the sovereign were: Arakcheev, a former minister of war, Count Bennigsen, the senior general in rank, Grand Duke Tsarevich Konstantin Pavlovich, Count Rumyantsev - chancellor. Stein is a former Prussian minister, Armfeld is a Swedish general, Pfuhl is the main drafter of the campaign plan, Adjutant General Paulucci is a Sardinian, Wolzogen and many others. Although these persons were without military positions in the army, they had influence due to their position, and often the corps commander and even the commander-in-chief did not know why Bennigsen, or the Grand Duke, or Arakcheev, or Prince Volkonsky was asking or advising this or that. and did not know whether such and such an order was coming from him or from the sovereign in the form of advice and whether it was necessary or not necessary to carry it out. But this was an external situation, but the essential meaning of the presence of the sovereign and all these persons, from the court point of view (and in the presence of the sovereign, everyone becomes a courtier), was clear to everyone. It was as follows: the sovereign did not assume the title of commander-in-chief, but was in charge of all the armies; the people surrounding him were his assistants. Arakcheev was a faithful enforcer-guardian of order and bodyguard of the sovereign; Bennigsen was a landowner of the Vilna province, who seemed to make les honneurs of the region, but in essence was a good general, useful for advice and in order to always have him ready to replace Barclay. The Grand Duke was here because it pleased him. Former minister Stein was there because he was useful to the council, and because Emperor Alexander highly valued his personal qualities. Armfeld was an angry hater of Napoleon and a general, self-confident, which always had an influence on Alexander. Paulucci was here because he was bold and decisive in his speeches. The adjutant generals were here because they were everywhere the sovereign was, and, finally, and most importantly, Pfuel was here because he, having drawn up a plan for the war against Napoleon and made Alexander believe in the expediency of this plan, led the entire matter of the war. With Pfuel there was Wolzogen, who conveyed Pfuel’s thoughts in more accessible form, than Pfuel himself, harsh, self-confident to the point of contempt for everything, an armchair theorist. In addition to these named persons, Russian and foreign (especially foreigners, who, with the courage characteristic of people in activity among a foreign environment, offered new unexpected thoughts every day), there were many more minor persons who were with the army because their principals were here. Among all the thoughts and voices in this huge, restless, brilliant and proud world, Prince Andrei saw the following, sharper, divisions of trends and parties. The first party was: Pfuel and his followers, theorists of war, who believed that there is a science of war and that this science has its own immutable laws, laws of physical movement, bypass, etc. Pfuel and his followers demanded a retreat into the interior of the country, retreats according to the exact laws prescribed by the imaginary theory of war, and in any deviation from this theory they saw only barbarity, ignorance or malicious intent. The German princes, Wolzogen, Wintzingerode and others, mostly Germans, belonged to this party. The second game was the opposite of the first. As always happens, at one extreme there were representatives of the other extreme. The people of this party were those who, even from Vilna, demanded an offensive into Poland and freedom from any plans drawn up in advance. In addition to the fact that the representatives of this party were representatives of bold actions, they were also representatives of nationality, as a result of which they became even more one-sided in the dispute. These were Russians: Bagration, Ermolov, who was beginning to rise, and others. At this time, Ermolov’s well-known joke was spread, allegedly asking the sovereign for one favor - to make him a German. The people of this party said, remembering Suvorov, that one must not think, not prick the map with needles, but fight, beat the enemy, not let him into Russia and not let the army lose heart. The third party, in which the sovereign had the most confidence, belonged to the court makers of transactions between both directions. The people of this party, mostly non-military and to which Arakcheev belonged, thought and said what people usually say who do not have convictions, but want to appear as such. They said that, without a doubt, war, especially with such a genius as Bonaparte (he was again called Bonaparte), requires the most profound considerations, a deep knowledge of science, and in this matter Pfuel is a genius; but at the same time, one cannot help but admit that theorists are often one-sided, and therefore one should not completely trust them; one must listen to what Pfuel’s opponents say, and to what practical people, experienced in military affairs, say, and from everything take the average. The people of this party insisted that, having held the Dries camp according to Pfuel's plan, they would change the movements of other armies. Although this course of action achieved neither one nor the other goal, it seemed better to the people of this party. The fourth direction was the direction of which the most prominent representative was the Grand Duke, the heir to the Tsarevich, who could not forget his Austerlitz disappointment, where he, as if on display, rode out in front of the guards in a helmet and tunic, hoping to bravely crush the French, and, unexpectedly, finding himself in the first line , forcibly left in general confusion. The people of this party had both the quality and the lack of sincerity in their judgments. They were afraid of Napoleon, saw strength in him, weakness in themselves, and directly expressed this. They said: “Nothing but grief, shame and destruction will come out of all this! So we left Vilna, we left Vitebsk, we will leave Drissa. The only smart thing we can do is make peace, and as soon as possible, before they kick us out of St. Petersburg!” This view, widely spread in the highest spheres of the army, found support both in St. Petersburg and in Chancellor Rumyantsev, according to others state reasons who also stood for peace. The fifth were adherents of Barclay de Tolly, not so much as a person, but as a minister of war and commander in chief. They said: “Whatever he is (they always started like that), but he is an honest, efficient person, and there is no better person. Give him real power, because war cannot go on successfully without unity of command, and he will show what he can do, as he showed himself in Finland. If our army is organized and strong and retreated to Drissa without suffering any defeats, then we owe this only to Barclay. If they now replace Barclay with Bennigsen, then everything will perish, because Bennigsen has already shown his inability in 1807,” said the people of this party. The sixth, the Bennigsenists, said, on the contrary, that after all there was no one more efficient and experienced than Bennigsen, and no matter how you turn around, you will still come to him. And the people of this party argued that our entire retreat to Drissa was a most shameful defeat and a continuous series of mistakes. “The more mistakes they make,” they said, “the better: at least they will sooner understand that this cannot go on. And what is needed is not just any Barclay, but a person like Bennigsen, who already showed himself in 1807, to whom Napoleon himself gave justice, and a person who would be willingly recognized as power - and there is only one Bennigsen.” Seventh - there were faces that always exist, especially under young sovereigns, and of whom there were especially many under Emperor Alexander - faces of generals and adjutants, passionately devoted to the sovereign, not as an emperor, but as a person, adoring him sincerely and disinterestedly, as his adored Rostov in 1805, and saw in it not only all the virtues, but also all human qualities. Although these persons admired the modesty of the sovereign, who refused to command the troops, they condemned this excessive modesty and wanted only one thing and insisted that the adored sovereign, leaving excessive distrust in himself, openly announce that he was becoming the head of the army, would make a himself the headquarters of the commander-in-chief and, consulting where necessary with experienced theorists and practitioners, he himself would lead his troops, which this alone would bring to the highest state of inspiration. The eighth, the largest group of people, which in its sheer numbers was related to others as the 99 were to the 1st, consisted of people who did not want peace, nor war, nor offensive movements, nor a defensive camp either at Drissa or anywhere else there was neither Barclay, nor the sovereign, nor Pfuel, nor Bennigsen, but they wanted only one thing, and the most essential: the greatest benefits and pleasures for themselves. In that muddy water of intersecting and entangled intrigues that swarmed at the main residence of the sovereign, it was possible to accomplish quite a lot of things that would have been unthinkable at another time. One, not wanting to lose his advantageous position, today agreed with Pfuel, tomorrow with his opponent, the day after tomorrow he claimed that he had no opinion on a certain subject, only in order to avoid responsibility and please the sovereign. Another, wanting to gain benefits, attracted the attention of the sovereign, loudly shouting the very thing that the sovereign had hinted at the day before, argued and shouted in the council, striking himself in the chest and challenging those who disagreed to a duel, thereby showing that he was ready to be a victim of the common good. The third simply begged for himself, between two councils and in the absence of enemies, lump sum allowance for his faithful service, knowing that now there will be no time to refuse him. The fourth inadvertently kept catching the eye of the sovereign, burdened with work. The fifth, in order to achieve a long-desired goal - dinner with the sovereign, fiercely proved the rightness or wrongness of the newly expressed opinion and for this he brought more or less strong and fair evidence. All the people of this party were catching rubles, crosses, ranks, and in this fishing they only followed the direction of the weather vane of the royal favor, and just noticed that the weather vane turned in one direction, when all this drone population of the army began to blow in the same direction, so that the sovereign the more difficult it was to turn it into another. Amid the uncertainty of the situation, with the threatening, serious danger that gave everything a particularly alarming character, amid this whirlwind of intrigues, egos, clashes, different views and feelings, with the diversity of all these people, this eighth, most big batch people occupied with personal interests gave greater confusion and vagueness to the general cause. No matter what question was raised, the swarm of these drones, without even sounding off the previous topic, flew to a new one and with their buzzing drowned out and obscured sincere, disputing voices. Of all these parties, at the same time that Prince Andrei arrived at the army, another, ninth party gathered and began to raise its voice. This was a party of old, sensible, state-experienced people who were able, without sharing any of the conflicting opinions, to look abstractly at everything that was happening at the headquarters of the main headquarters, and to think about ways out of this uncertainty, indecision, confusion and weakness. The people of this party said and thought that everything bad comes mainly from the presence of a sovereign with a military court near the army; that the vague, conditional and fluctuating instability of relations that is convenient at court but harmful in the army has been transferred to the army; that the sovereign needs to reign, and not control the army; What the only way out from this situation there is the departure of the sovereign and his court from the army; that the mere presence of the sovereign would paralyze the fifty thousand troops needed to ensure his personal safety; that the worst, but independent commander-in-chief will be better than the best, but bound by the presence and power of the sovereign. At the same time, Prince Andrei was living idle under Drissa, Shishkov, the Secretary of State, who was one of the main representatives of this party, wrote a letter to the sovereign, which Balashev and Arakcheev agreed to sign. In this letter, taking advantage of the permission given to him by the sovereign to talk about the general course of affairs, he respectfully and under the pretext of the need for the sovereign to inspire the people in the capital to war, suggested that the sovereign leave the army. The sovereign's inspiration of the people and the appeal to them for the defense of the fatherland - the same (to the extent it was produced by the personal presence of the sovereign in Moscow) inspiration of the people, which was the main reason for the triumph of Russia, was presented to the sovereign and accepted by him as a pretext for leaving the army.

Abstract on political science

on the topic

"The main political parties of modern Russia"

Part-time students

Faculty of Economics

Groups ES-4F-09

Antonenko Mila Viktorovna

Teacher Kopanev V.N.

G. Murmansk

Introduction…………………………………………………………………….....

1. “United Russia”………………………………………………………

2. Communist Party of the Russian Federation………………...

3. Liberal Democratic Party of Russia……………………….

4. “Patriots of Russia”………………………………………………………

5. Russian United Democratic Party “Yabloko”…….

6. “A Just Russia”………………………………………………………….

7. “Just Cause”……………………………………………………….

Introduction

There are many parties in Russia; democratic, communist-socialist, nationalist, etc. They all protect someone's interests.

There are right, left and center parties. Some defend the interests of a certain class or classes, others are defenders of nations and peoples, there are parties at the top, there are parties at the bottom.

Having examined the main parties in Russia, let's try to understand the ideology and goals of Russian parties.

For a better understanding of party ideologies, let’s take a few definitions; they will help to more clearly present political orientation parties:

1. Political party- special public organization(association), which directly sets itself the task of seizing state power, keeping it in its hands, and using the state apparatus to implement the programs announced before the elections.

2. Centrism in politics - the political position of a political movement or group, intermediate between right and left movements or groups, rejection of left and right extremism.

3. Social conservatism- a policy of centrism aimed at preserving the values ​​of the 1990s.
Social conservatism is analytical in nature, the constants of which are primarily order and freedom. Freedom in the understanding of social conservatives does not imply exemption from responsibility for economic, political, moral and other crimes.

4. In politics left traditionally refers to many trends and ideologies, the goal of which is (in particular) social equality and improving living conditions for the least privileged layers of society. These include socialism and social democracy. Radical left (or ultra-left) movements include, for example, communism and anarchism. The opposite is the right.

5. Liberalism(fr. libéralisme) - a philosophical, political and economic theory, as well as an ideology, which is based on the position that individual human freedoms are the legal basis of society and the economic order.

6. Democracy(Greek δημοκρατία - “power of the people”, from δῆμος - “people” and κράτος - “power”) - a type of political structure of the state or political system society in which the only legitimate source of power in the state is its people.

7. Statism (statism)(from fr. État- state) - a worldview and ideology that absolutizes the role of the state in society and promotes the maximum subordination of the interests of individuals and groups to the interests of the state, which is supposed to be above society; a policy of active state intervention in all spheres of public and private life.

8. Nationalism(fr. nationalisme) - ideology and direction of policy, basic principle which is the thesis about the value of the nation as highest form social unity and its primacy in the state-forming process. It is distinguished by a variety of currents, some of them contradict each other. How political movement, nationalism strives to protect the interests of the national community in relations with state authorities.

9. Patriotism(Greek πατριώτης - compatriot, πατρίς - fatherland) - a moral and political principle, a social feeling, the content of which is love for the fatherland and the willingness to subordinate one’s private interests to its interests. Patriotism presupposes pride in the achievements and culture of one’s homeland, the desire to preserve its character and cultural characteristics and identification of oneself with other members of the people, willingness to subordinate one’s interests to the interests of the country, the desire to protect the interests of the Motherland and one’s people.

10 . Conservatism(fr. conservatism, from lat. conservo- preserve) - ideological commitment to traditional values ​​and orders, social or religious doctrines. In politics - a direction that defends the value of state and social order, rejection of “radical” reforms and extremism.

11 . Populism(from lat. populus- people) - a political position or style of rhetoric that appeals to the broad masses of the people.

According to the website Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation , as of August 15 2009 , in accordance with the Federal Law “On Political Parties”, 7 political parties were registered.

1. " United Russia »

Leader: Vladimir Putin

Headquarters: Moscow

Ideology: centrism, social conservatism

Number of members : 1 931 667

Seats in the lower house: 315 out of 450

Party seal: newspaper "United Russia" (closed in 2008)

Website: Edinros.er.ru/er/

"United Russia" - Russian center-right political party. Created on December 1, 2001 at the founding congress of the socio-political associations “Unity” (leader - Sergei Shoigu), “Fatherland” (Yuri Luzhkov) and “All Russia” (Mintimer Shaimiev) as the All-Russian political party “Unity and Fatherland - United Russia”.

The symbol of the party is an inverted walking bear. The party congress, held on November 26, 2005, decided on changes in the party symbols: instead of a bear Brown The bear became the symbol of the party white, outlined in blue. Above the image of a bear - fluttering Russian flag, under the image of the bear there is the inscription “United Russia”. The bear semantics is actively used by the party, including through various allusions. So one of the sections of the party’s official website is called “B er log."

Ideology: centrism, social conservatism.

Goals: 1. Ensuring compliance public policy, decisions taken by government bodies of the Russian Federation and constituent entities of the Russian Federation, bodies local government, the interests of the majority of the population of the Russian Federation.

2. Formation of public opinion in the Russian Federation in accordance with the main provisions of the Party Program, political education and education of citizens, expression of citizens’ opinions on any issues of public life, bringing these opinions to the attention of the general public, state authorities and local governments, and influencing the formation of their political will, expressed by them in voting in elections and referendums.

3. Nomination of candidates (lists of candidates) of the Party for the elections of the President of the Russian Federation, deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, legislative (representative) bodies of state power of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, elected officials of local government and representative bodies of municipalities, participation in the above elections, as well as in the work of elected bodies.

Story: The All-Russian Party "Unity and Fatherland" - United Russia" was created on the basis of the unification of the All-Russian Union "Unity" and "Fatherland" and the socio-political Movement "All Russia".

On October 27, 2001, the Third Congress of the Unity party and the second of the Unity and Fatherland Union were held in Moscow, at which the All Russia movement joined this Union.
During the Congress, changes were made to the Charter, which provided a legal basis for the further transformation of the Union into a party.

In parallel with the preparation of the Congress, specialists from Unity and Fatherland worked on two important documents that determined what the newly created Party would be like. This is the Program and Charter.

Before being submitted to the Founding Congress of the Unity and Fatherland party, which was held on December 1, 2001 at the Kremlin Palace of Congresses, both documents were widely discussed in the regions, including in the Novgorod region.

As a result, on December 1, the delegates of the Congress new party adopted the Program and Charter, and also voted for the transformation of the Union "Unity" and "Fatherland" into All-Russian Party. Also elected governing bodies new party.
The party "Unity and Fatherland" has become fundamentally new political structure, which included three political forces on equal terms. Pursuing common goals and defending common interests, Unity, Fatherland and All Russia formed single party, sharing responsibility for its future.
The main task of the party was “to win and retain power through democratic means.” The requirements for the level of training of management personnel and specialists have changed, the majority of whom have undergone selection and special training. Party building was actively carried out, the ranks of the party grew, and new primary organizations were created. By the end of 2003, the regional branch consisted of about 2 thousand Party members.