IDEOLOGY OF FASCISM AND PROPAGANDA SYSTEM AS PART OF THE FASCIST REGIME

Introduction

1. The essence and concept of fascism

3. Ideology of fascism. Propaganda system

Conclusion

Modern science, following the theory of Charles Darwin, classifies us humans as primates. We are the highest primates, Homo sapiens - Homo sapiens. Why reasonable? Human nature is dual: it combines two principles - animal and spiritual, which constantly compete with each other for dominance in life. human soul. For a long time it was believed that the spiritual principle in a person cannot overcome his animal instincts, although many representatives of the human race tried to prove the opposite throughout their lives.

At all times, people have tended to dream. But each person dreams in his own way: some according to their immediate needs, others according to their ambition. However, human ambitions sometimes know no boundaries, which often leads people to various tragedies.

As is known, evolution, according to Darwin, occurs by natural selection when the strong pushes out the weak. Moreover, for some time now he (the strong) began to require moral justification for his actions, and for this it was enough to find in the weak some qualities that would irritate him, and blame him for them. This helped the strong to camouflage their greed.

This desire of the strong to find fault with the weak was vividly illustrated by the great Russian fabulist I.A. Krylov in his fable “The Wolf and the Lamb”. First, the wolf angrily asks the lamb who came to the stream to drink: “How dare you, insolent one, muddy my pure drink with your unclean snout?!” And in the end, unable to bear the hunger any longer, he openly declares to the lamb: “It’s your fault that I want to eat!”

Until the 20th century, all these phenomena existed in human society mostly separately. And only at the end of the second decade of the 20th century, having absorbed all of the above phenomena, a new ideology was born in Italy - fascism (from the Italian fascio - fascio - bundle, bundle, association), which was not slow to manifest itself in practice, capturing the minds of a wide variety of segments of the population . Less than a decade and a half has passed since this ideology has driven almost the entire people of Germany crazy, taking there its ugliest form - German National Socialism (Nazism).

The purpose of this work is to study the ideology of fascism and determine the essence and identify the background of Nazi ideology.

To do this, first of all, you need to trace the history of Germany from ancient times, while understanding how the Germanic peoples were able to maintain and increase their warlike ambitions, testing their strength at every opportunity. It is especially important to understand the mood that reigned in German society after Germany’s defeat in the First World War.

Then you need to figure out what the Nazi theory of the superman was based on.

Then it is necessary to comprehensively consider the changes in German society that occurred as a result of the Nazis coming to power.

The essence and concept of fascism

At its core, fascism is a political system based on the idea of ​​preserving the integrity of the nation and state, and implying, first of all, the unification of the people around the idea of ​​national salvation, the delegation of broad, and, if necessary, emergency powers to the authorities.

Accordingly, fascism is, first of all, a strong state apparatus, formed along ideological and political lines, tough or military discipline, without which effective government administration in conditions of internal and external conflicts and contradictions is impossible. However, the word totalitarianism is absolutely inappropriate here, at least in the pure understanding of the concept of “fascism”, and not in specific forms its manifestations, which are also often extremely inappropriate and are examples of stereotypical thinking.

Fascism: it is, first of all, a political and ideological theory. The main postulates of this theory:

1. Divisions of society along racial lines. Proclamation of the main nation as “chosen”, “infallible”. // In this it is similar to other theories, for example, communism in the interpretation of the Bolsheviks, which divides society along class lines //. In addition, alien nations are excluded from the legal field, in this fascism is different from the apartheid system in which other nations are allowed to exist as work force which nevertheless has some legal guarantees.

2. The main task is to achieve common goals for the nation. This is where the name comes from - it can be translated, of course, as a bunch, but it means a sheaf of wheat - the unity of a nation to achieve a goal. For example, building a thousand-year Reich.

3. Means of achieving goals. Declares the priority of the nation's tasks over the individual, legal institutions, and generally over any norms and previous ideology. Affirms the chosenness and infallibility of the leader as the highest embodiment of the will of the nation.

Signs of fascism as a state system:

1. The form of government is dictatorship (how the transition of power is carried out and whether it is even possible is difficult to say - as a rule, it is not provided for either ideologically or legislatively)

2. Economic structure – private capitalism with a significant predominance of government orders.

3. Management and legal structure - a vast, highly centralized bureaucracy. The rights structure applies only to the primary nation and can be revised at any time. The Fuhrer and the top leadership of the state are above the legal structure and are not controlled by it in their decisions.

4. State policy of aggressive rejection of alien nations up to and including their physical destruction.

Adolf Hitler's fascism is extreme and highest form which a state built on the ideology of fascism was able to achieve. He started and subsequently lost the Second World War. Accepted and put into practice the concept of the physical destruction of some unwanted nations (Jews and Gypsies).

Fascism as a term: a currently widely used political and propaganda cliche to designate any political opponents, practically a curse word that does not carry a significant and precise semantic load.

2. History and background for the development of fascism in Germany in the 20s - 40s of the XX century

Fascism in Germany appeared immediately after the end of the First World War as one of the varieties of reactionary militaristic nationalist movements, when anti-liberal, anti-democratic movements acquired a pan-European character.

Economic troubles, the flabbiness of the then government agencies, fierce political conflicts and confrontations - all these kinds of things, taken together, gave rise in the mass worldview to a feeling of impending turmoil, an extremely uncomfortable feeling of the fragility of social existence. It is not surprising that apathy, irritation and anxiety prevailed in the public mood. The deepest and most general became the desire for calm and stable order.

Economic stability, authoritative and firm political leadership, guarantees from social upheaval in different groups of German society. However, for many, the desire for calm, stability and order was transformed into a demand to create a “strong state”, free from such “vices” as “democracy”, “parliamentarism”, “pluralism”, etc.

The longing for a “strong state”, for an all-powerful single centralized power capable of adequately ensuring the “highest interests of the nation”, was fueled by the hostility towards the Weimar system intensively cultivated by reactionary figures and National Socialist propaganda. Historically, the first German republic was born as a result of Germany's military defeat. In the minds of the majority of the country's population, she was somehow identified with this defeat and thus everyone associated with her Negative consequences war. Therefore, the republican-democratic structure, which was enshrined in the German Constitution of 1919, was considered by many to be a forced form of political structure, imposed by extremely unfavorable circumstances, and subject to dismantling over time.

Particular irritation and protests were caused by the fact that stemming from the results of the First World War, that the greatness and honor of Germany were insulted and humiliated. The Weimar regime was branded as “criminally inactive,” not doing anything significant for the national self-affirmation of the Germans, for the revival of “great Germany.”

The decision of the General Staff to end the war was the impetus for processes that later had many unforeseen consequences. The defeat of Germany was, as it were, a catalyst for new phenomena both in domestic politics and in international affairs, and led to socio-psychological upheavals in the very foundations of society.

At that time there was a general coarsening of European morals. As a result of the defeat, the traditional hierarchy of public authorities also changed. First of all, the collapse of the worldview affected the bourgeois strata: they collapsed or best case scenario The traditional symbols of power and society for the bourgeois and petty bourgeois environment - the state, the monarchy, the family - have lost their former meaning. With the decline of these familiar authorities in society, a need arose for new ones that would return people a sense of order, security and their place in the new society.

The reasons for the emergence of nationalism in Germany:

A nationwide crisis that affects, to one degree or another, all social strata and groups and aggravates social, including interethnic, contradictions to the limit;

The weakening of the real power of the liberal democratic state, its inability to propose and implement effective measures to bring society out of the crisis;

Weakening of the country's international position, up to its national humiliation, as was the case with Germany, which was forced to sign the Versailles Peace Treaty, which traumatized the national consciousness of the Germans;

The presence of influential left parties (communist, social democratic), frightening not only big capital, but also the middle strata of society with their revolutionary prospects;

The presence of a fascist movement led by a skilled demagogue leader who skillfully plays on social contradictions, manipulates the masses and promises to lead the country out of the crisis through quick and decisive action;

Finally, support for the fascists by various social and political strata, including the big bourgeoisie, who expect to use fascist organizations as a convenient temporary weapon in the fight against rivals and enemies;

Crisis of public consciousness, disappointment of the masses in liberal and democratic values;

Instability that feeds nationalistic, militaristic and aggressive sentiments.

Three circumstances contributed to the establishment of the fascist dictatorship in Germany:

The monopoly bourgeoisie found in it the desired way out of the acute crisis. political situation created by the economic crisis;

The petty bourgeoisie and some sections of the peasantry saw in the demagogic promises of the Hitler party the fulfillment of hopes of mitigating economic difficulties caused by the growth of monopolies and aggravated by the crisis;

The German working class found itself divided and therefore disarmed: the Communist Party was not strong enough to stop fascism.

In 1920, Adolf Hitler came up with the “25 Points” program, which later became the program of the National Socialist German Workers' Party. Permeated with nationalistic, chauvinistic ideas of the superiority of the German nation, the program demanded revenge to restore “justice trampled upon by Versailles.”

In 1921, the organizational foundations of the fascist party were formed, based on the so-called Fuhrer principle, the unlimited power of the “leader” (Fuhrer). The main goal The creation of the party involves the spread of fascist ideology, the preparation of a special terrorist apparatus to suppress democratic, anti-fascist forces and, ultimately, to seize power. In 1923, following the general strike of the German proletariat, the fascists made a direct attempt to seize state power("beer putsch"). The failure of the putsch forces the fascist leaders to change their tactics in the struggle for power. Since 1925, the “battle for the Reichstag” begins by creating a mass base for the fascist party. Already in 1928, this tactic bore its first fruits; the Nazis received 12 seats in the Reichstag. In 1932, by number of mandates fascist party wins more seats than any other party represented in the Reichstag.

A variety of social strata and population groups voted for Hitler. Hitler's broad social base was created at the expense of those who, after the defeat of Germany, had the ground cut out from under them, that very confused aggressive crowd, feeling deceived, having lost their life prospects along with their property, and fearing the future. He was able to use the social, political and psychological disorder of these people, showing them the way to save themselves and their humiliated fatherland, promising various circles and groups of the population everything they wanted: the monarchists - the restoration of the monarchy, the workers - work and bread, the industrialists - military orders, the Reichswehr - a new rise in connection with grandiose military plans, etc. The nationalist slogans of the fascists attracted the Germans more than the calls for “reason and patience” of the Social Democrats or for “proletarian solidarity” and the construction of a “Soviet Germany” of the communists.

Hitler came to power relying on the direct support of official and unofficial ruling circles and the reactionary socio-political forces behind them, which considered it necessary to establish authoritarian regime to end the hated democracy and republic.

The coming to power of the fascists was not an ordinary change of cabinet. It marked the beginning of the systematic destruction of all institutions of the bourgeois-democratic parliamentary state, all the democratic gains of the German people, and the creation of a new order - a terrorist anti-people regime.

At first, when open resistance to fascism was not completely suppressed (as early as February 1933, anti-fascist demonstrations took place in many places in Germany), Hitler resorted to emergency measures, widely used in Weimar on the basis of emergency presidential powers. He never formally renounced the Weimar Constitution.

From the first days of coming to power, Hitler began to implement his program, according to which Germany was to achieve new greatness. Its implementation was supposed to be carried out in two stages. On the first, the task was set to unite the Germans into a kind of national community, on the second, to turn it into a fighting community.

To unite the Germans into a single community, it was necessary to cleanse the Aryan race of “foreign blood”, to overcome class, confessional, ideological contradictions, which was achieved by eliminating political parties, except for the NSRPG, alien ideology, public organizations, except for the Nazi ones, loyal to the Fuhrer and the Reich, and also by unifying the state apparatus, etc. Having completed this internal work, Germany, according to Hitler’s plan, could begin to work externally, the most important task of which was to conquer living space, ousting the peoples living there, mainly the peoples of Eastern Europe, through a merciless, bloody war. Solving the problems of the first stage fascist state and NSRPG were mainly engaged until 1935. From that time, total preparation for war began, and then the war itself.

After the death of President Hindenburg on August 1, 1934, by government decree, the office of the president was abolished, and all power was concentrated in the hands of Hitler, the leader and lifelong Reich Chancellor, who was given the right not only to appoint the imperial government, all senior officials of the empire, but also his successor . From that time on, Hitler began the systematic destruction of all possible paths of opposition, which was a direct embodiment of the Nazis’ programmatic guidelines and the main demand they introduced - fanatical, blind submission to the will of the Fuhrer of the German people.

Following the ban of the Communist Party in March 1933, all trade unions were dissolved in May of the same year, and the Social Democratic Party was outlawed in June 1933. Other parties that were active before Hitler came to power “dissolved themselves.” In July 1933, the existence of any political parties other than the fascist one and the organizations led by it was prohibited by law.

The ideology of fascism. Propaganda system

Fascism is an ideology and practice that asserts the superiority and exclusivity of a particular nation or race, the denial of democracy, and the establishment of the cult of the leader; the use of violence and terror to suppress political opponents and all forms of dissent; justification of war as a means of solving interstate problems.

National Socialism (Nazism) is the official political ideology of the Third Reich.

Nazi ideology of the Third Reich:

Idealization of the Nordic race and the “Aryan” in general, elements of democratic socialism and social democracy, racism (including at the “scientific” level), anti-Semitism, chauvinism, social Darwinism, “racial hygiene.”

Nazi racial politics- the policy of racial discrimination and xenophobia in the Third Reich, based on the concept of racial hygiene.

In many European and American countries, racism in the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century was not prohibited, but in the Third Reich it received state support. Jews were deprived of citizenship rights, the opportunity to work in public service, to have private practice and own business, marry Germans (Germans) and receive education in public educational institutions. Their property and businesses were registered and subject to confiscation. Acts of violence were constantly committed, and official propaganda incited feelings of prejudice and hatred towards Jews among “true” Germans. During the Second World War, repressions carried out on ethnic grounds began to be carried out not only in Germany, but also in the lands it occupied.

The term "racial hygiene" was invented by the German scientist Alfred Ploetz, who used the concept in his theory that strict rules of reproduction would lead to improved racial purity of the Germans.

There was a concept of racial hygiene, which meant the need to divide people into representatives of the superior race and the lower elements and the need for appropriate selection. According to this concept, the former had to be artificially maintained, while the reproduction of the latter had to be prevented; Mixing races gives undesirable consequences. This concept also required the sterilization of alcoholics, epileptics, people with various hereditary diseases, and the weak-minded. The desire to maintain “racial hygiene” was manifested in state programs for the forced extermination of various categories of citizens.

Anti-Marxism, anti-communism, anti-Bolshevism, rejection of parliamentary democracy;

Leaderism is a policy aimed at establishing one person in the role of an indisputable leader. Leaderism is characterized by personal devotion to one person - the leader, the recognized ideological leader in strictly centralized structures.

The idea and policy of expanding “living space” through military expansion.

Elimination of the consequences of the Versailles dictatorship;

Finding living space for the growing people of Germany and the German-speaking population;

Restoring the power of Germany by uniting all Germans under a single state control and preparing for war;

Cleansing German territory from the “foreigners” that “clog” it, especially Jews;

Liberation of the people from the dictates of global financial capital and full support for small and handicraft production, creativity of liberal professions;

Decisive opposition to communist ideology;

Improving the living conditions of the population, eliminating unemployment, mass dissemination of a healthy lifestyle, development of tourism, physical education and sports.

In the ideology of Nazism, a special place is occupied by the nation and the state (“blood and soil”). The nation is seen as superior and eternal reality based on common blood. Hence the task of preserving the purity of blood and race. In a fascist society, superior nations dominate the inferior ones.

The role of the state is exalted and mystified, bearing responsibility for individual destinies in the physical and spiritual sense, mercilessly suppressing any encroachment on the unity of the nation.

This regime has turned the country into a state in which all aspects of life, down to the smallest detail, are controlled from a single center. This made it possible to indoctrinate the population and identify dissidents for merciless destruction.

National Socialist propaganda, which originated in the early 1920s, during the formation of the NSDAP as an independent political force, subsequently went through several stages in its development, revealing itself as a very dynamic phenomenon.

To achieve full power and establish their dictatorship in Germany, the Nazis needed to eliminate democratic institutions and overcome the resistance of other political parties.

Due to the above reasons, the NSDAP was forced to continue to adhere to the tactics of fictitious legality, chosen by A. Hitler back in 1925, thereby expanding its influence gradually and hiding its ultimate goal: achieving undivided domination. This political line led to a new fundamental goal of Nazi propaganda: to achieve approval of the actions of the Nazi regime by the majority of German society, or at least to create the appearance of such approval. By presenting the dismantling of the republican system and the reprisal of political opponents as actions carried out for the benefit of the German people, Nazi propaganda was supposed to reduce resistance to a minimum, thereby ensuring the stabilization of the new regime.

The Nazis' rise to power for the first time allowed them to use the resources of the state apparatus and, thus, bring Nazi propaganda to a qualitatively new level of development. On the one hand, the NSDAP, having gained access to state finances and earned the trust of large industrialists, was able to expand the use of old, proven forms of propaganda: through poster art, holding meetings, processions, distributing leaflets, etc. In addition, such an effective tool for influencing the masses as radio broadcasting (virtually unavailable to the NSDAP before 1933) was now used in full. The use of radio broadcasting for the purpose of psychological treatment of the population became one of the main methods of Nazi propaganda.

On the other hand, from now on, Nazi propaganda was carried out in conditions of incessant terror against political opponents, which, in turn, greatly contributed to strengthening the propaganda impact of Nazi actions. State-sanctioned repression against the opposition made it possible to more effectively manipulate public opinion. It is no coincidence that the Nazis considered the strategy of intimidation as component propaganda work.

The third factor that influenced the development of the Nazi propaganda system in 1933 was the consistent conquest by the regime of a monopoly on the coverage of events in the media. mass media.

During 1933, the Nazis concentrated control of radio broadcasting and the press in their hands (an important milestone here was the establishment of the Imperial Chamber of Arts on September 22, 1933), crushed the opposition press and legislated the unification that took place with a number of decrees and laws. This created a uniform ideological climate, which allowed the Nazis to freely shape public opinion without fear of ideological competition.

Finally, the aforementioned expansion of the field of propaganda activity, and as a consequence, the need for more precise coordination of efforts when conducting propaganda campaigns, led to serious changes in the organizational structure of Nazi propaganda. On March 13, 1933, the Ministry of Public Education and Propaganda was founded, the head of which was J. Goebbels, who also retained the post of head of the Reich Propaganda Office (RPL), an internal party propaganda authority.

During the period when the process of establishing dictatorship was still in its initial stage, the Nazis retouched the most unsightly features of their ideology (anti-Christianity, racism, the theory of conquering “living space”), preferring to appeal to traditional bourgeois values. This made it possible to win over not only middle class, but also big bourgeoisie, professional bureaucracy and the Reichswehr.

At the same time, Nazism not only did not abandon pseudo-socialist phraseology, but also increased propaganda pressure on the workers. The task of Nazi propaganda in this case was to justify the destruction of workers' parties and trade unions, creating the illusion of an improvement in the social situation and status of workers. In addition, it was necessary to cultivate a sense of belonging to the supposedly emerging “people's community” through various types of integration activities.

First of all, in this regard, it is worth noting the holiday of May 1, stylized as “National Labor Day”, and thus transformed in the Nazi spirit.

In addition, a system of charity was deployed, creating the illusion of a generous social policy of the Nazi state.

National Socialist propaganda, while forming a positive image of the new state in the public consciousness, was not limited to putting forward slogans that varied depending on the target group they were intended for. One of the most effective methods was the use by the Nazis of vague hopes that a certain part of the German people associated with the name of A. Hitler.

Second effective method psychological treatment of the population was the construction of the image of the enemy in the mass consciousness. In order to maximize the mobilization of the masses, the NSDAP created the “they-us” opposition, loading the concept of “they” with the maximum number of negative ethnic symbols. Inciting fear of the communist threat, using for its own purposes the ethnotrauma inflicted on the German nation by the defeat in the First World War and its consequences, inciting anti-Semitic sentiments, propaganda eliminated many obstacles to the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship.

The concepts of “Bolshevism” and “world financial capital"in the ideology of Nazism has always been closely associated with the idea of ​​a Jewish “world conspiracy.” The image of the enemy promoted by the NSDAP included anti-Semitism as an organic component (being a way of bringing eclectic Nazi structures together). That is why the Nazis, after coming to power, sought to radicalize anti-Jewish sentiment in society as much as possible by strengthening the anti-Semitic emphasis in their propaganda.

Conclusion

This work examined the ideology of fascism and the propaganda system as part of the fascist regime. In the process of writing, the concept of Nazism and its main features were revealed. The Nazi and fascist movements are united by a common ideology: xenophobic (intolerant), racist and anti-Semitic hatred, based on “racial science.” Historically, the Nazis see an epic mystical struggle between the white "Aryan" race and the Jews, who are held accountable for all ills. For the Nazis, Jews were the source of all known evil. Communism and capitalism are declared Jewish.

Fascists believe that the hierarchy of the democratic order and the idea of ​​universal equality are dangerous. They are anti-communists and anti-socialists and do not believe in equal rights for all people. Trade unions and any democratic independent organizations must be destroyed, parliaments dissolved. Society's need for authoritarian rule. Individual heroism, tough leadership, sacrifice and courage are placed at the forefront.

As for the propaganda system, as part of the fascist regime, then, summing up the study, it should be noted that the National Socialist propaganda system has undergone very significant changes, both in terms of organizational structure(establishment of the Ministry of Public Education and Propaganda), and in relation to the forms and methods of propaganda activity. With the advent of the NSDAP to power, Nazism gained the opportunity to exert a psychological influence on society much more effectively than before. Monopolization of the media, the use of repressive measures against dissidents, and the use of the administrative and financial potential of the state apparatus became the factors that determined the transition of the Nazi propaganda system to a new phase of its development.

At the same time, the main task carried out by Nazi propagandists in 1933 was to ensure the fastest possible stabilization of the new regime: concealment true meaning the elimination of democratic institutions, the formation of a loyal attitude of the population to the suppression of political opponents of Nazism in particular and the process of Nazi unification of society in general.

By doing its best to strengthen the myth of a “national upsurge” and a supposedly formed “people's community” by appealing to traditional values ​​and carrying out demagogic actions addressed to the working class, Nazi propaganda was able to achieve this goal and integrate society, spreading the cult of the Fuhrer and constructing images of the enemy in the mass consciousness .

In general, Nazi propaganda contributed to the successful stabilization of the regime in 1933, which made it possible to begin a further reorientation of public consciousness in subsequent years.

The Nazi propaganda system thus became, along with the mechanism of state terror, one of the pillars of the “Third Reich” and allowed its leaders to carry out more and more radical external and domestic policy without fear of resistance from the German people.

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Fascism (Italian) fascismo from fascio“bundle, bundle, association”) - as a political science term, is a general name for specific far-right political movements, their ideology, as well as the dictatorial-type political regimes they lead.

In a narrower historical sense, fascism refers to a mass political movement that existed in Italy in the 1920s - early 1940s under the leadership of B. Mussolini.

In ideology, historiography and propaganda in the USSR, other socialist countries and communist parties, fascism was also understood as the Nazi movement in Germany in the 20s - the first half of the 40s. XX century (see Nazism), as well as political movements in countries around the world that openly oppose communist ideology from extreme right-wing positions.

The main characteristics of fascism are: the dominance of right-wing ideology, traditionalism, radical nationalism, anti-communism, statism, corporatism, elements of populism, militarism, often leaderism, reliance on a fairly significant part of the population not belonging to the ruling classes. In some cases, fascism is characterized by rejection of the monarchy.

Fascist states are characterized by the presence of a developed economy with a strong regulatory role of the state, the nationalization of all aspects of society through the creation of a system of mass organizations, violent methods of suppressing dissent, and rejection of the principles of liberal democracy.

Fascism. Emergence and formation

Fascism arose in Italy in 1919 after the First World War out of deep disappointment with its results. Then in Europe, democratic cosmopolitan forces won a victory over conservative monarchical ones, but the victory of democracy did not bring the promised benefits, and a severe crisis erupted: chaos, inflation, mass unemployment. And a reaction began against such democracy. By the 1930s. gg. half of the European parliaments ceased to exist, dictatorships arose everywhere - this phenomenon was remarkable for those years.

Fascism comes from the word “fascina”, this is a bundle, a bunch of rods - a symbol of the ancient Roman state, which Mussolini used as the symbolism of the “new Rome”, as he called his state. And, in general, at first glance there was a lot of attractiveness in fascism.

Fascism as a bundle proclaimed the unity of the nation in contrast to the Marxist thesis of class struggle and in contrast to the liberal-democratic party principle. Fascism proclaimed a corporate state, built not on the party principle, when parties participate in elections and gain votes, but built on corporations - this is a natural democracy, growing from the bottom up, on the basis of the industrial, professional community of people. Corporations can be, say, workers in the metallurgical industry, medicine, agriculture, and each corporation includes both management personnel and doctors, accountants, electricians, in short, all the people who are involved in it. In Japan now something similar exists on a corporate basis: the company is built as a unit of society; Mussolini wanted about the same thing, calling it “industrial democracy.” By the way, fascism was considered - no matter how strange it may sound - to be a democratic phenomenon, even by our democrats like G. Fedotov, a famous publicist and church historian, and his magazine “Novy Grad” wrote a lot about it.

What attracted fascism? why so many people succumbed to this temptation - to see in fascism something truly new, transforming the whole of Europe against the backdrop of this chaos. Here is an example from Mussolini's "Doctrine of Fascism":

“Fascism is ... a spiritual position that arose from the general movement of our century against the enfeebled materialist positivism of the 19th century ... It is a religious view that considers man in his inner connection with a higher law, an objective spirit that transcends the individual and makes him conscious a member of a spiritual community... A people is not a race or a geographical area...

It should be emphasized that in the original fascism there was no racism, which was in the Hitler regime; Italians did not consider their people better than others and a superior nation to which the world should belong, which should be conquered.

“A people is not a race or a geographical area, but a community continuously preserved in historical development, ... a personality, a spiritual phenomenon.” And further about what demands fascism made on a person: “The man of fascism suppresses the instinct of selfish desire in himself in order to instead root in a sense of duty higher life a nation not limited by the boundaries of space and time: a life in which the individual, through self-denial and sacrifice of personal interests, even through death, realizes the ultimate spiritual existence on which his human dignity is based... Not a single action escapes moral evaluation. Therefore, life in the concept of a fascist is serious, strict, religious. He creates from himself an instrument for building a decent life...”

As we see, this disciplinary, collecting, orderly principle in fascism against the backdrop of chaos and unemployment - it attracted a lot of people. And it should even be noted that the Catholic Church very ardently supported fascist reforms and the fascist movement itself, because it corresponded to social Catholic teaching, which is based on the corporate structure of society.

I will cite here V. Novikov’s introductory article to B. Mussolini’s book “The Doctrine of Fascism,” published in Paris in 1938. It perfectly characterizes the mood of the Russian emigration of those years:

“The greatest phenomenon in the life of the peoples of the post-war period is fascism, which is currently making its victorious journey throughout the world, conquering the minds of the active forces of mankind and prompting a revision and restructuring of the entire social order.”

Fascism originated in Italy and its creator is the brilliant leader of the fascist party and head of the Italian government, Benito Mussolini.

In the struggle of the Italian people against the nightmare of Red Communism looming over the country, fascism gave the Italian youth, the foremost fighters for national revival, the ideological basis for this struggle.

The communist ideology was opposed by the new ideology of the nation state, national solidarity, and national pathos.

Thanks to this, fascism created a powerful organization of an active minority, which, in the name of the national ideal, entered into a decisive war with the entire old world of communism, socialism, liberalism, democracy and, with its selfless feat, carried out a spiritual and state revolution that transformed modern Italy and marked the beginning of the Italian fascist statehood.

Having marched on Rome in October 1922, fascism seized state power and began to re-educate the people and reorganize the state, in the order of fundamental laws that finally consolidated the form of the fascist state. During this struggle, the doctrine of fascism was developed. In the charter of the fascist party, in the resolutions of party and trade union congresses, in the resolutions of the Great Fascist Council in speeches and articles Benito Mussolini The basic principles of fascism were gradually formulated. In 1932, Mussolini considered it timely to give his teaching a complete formulation, which he did in his work “The Doctrine of Fascism,” placed in the 14th volume of the Italian Encyclopedia. For a separate edition of this work, he supplemented it with notes. It is very important for the Russian reader to get acquainted with this work of B. Mussolini. Fascism is a new worldview, a new philosophy, a new corporate economy, a new government doctrine. Thus, answering all the questions of human society, fascism went beyond the boundaries of national Italy. In it, general provisions were developed and found their formulation that define the emerging social structure of the 20th century, and why they acquired universal significance. In other words, the ideological content of fascism has become common property. Every people has its own nationalism, and creates the forms of its own existence; no imitation of even the best examples is acceptable. But the basic ideas of Italian fascism fertilize state building throughout the world. Currently, the ideas of fascism are widespread among the Russian emigration.

A careful study of fascism began around 1924, when an attempt was made to organize the Russian Fascist Party in Serbia. This movement was led by Prof. D.P. Ruzsky and gene. P.V. Chersky.

In 1927, this so-called “national organization of Russian fascists” published its program, which, based on the general provisions of Italian fascism, but in accordance with Russian conditions, outlined the path of the revolutionary struggle against Bolshevism and the future course of restoration of Russia liberated from communism.

However, this movement did not receive organizational development. But the ideas of fascism spread to the Far East, where the Russian emigration managed to use them and create the Russian Fascist Party in 1931, headed by a young and talented man V.K. Rodzaevsky.

Until now, R.F.P. developed extensive organizational and propaganda work, publishing the daily newspaper “Our Way” and the monthly magazine “Nation”.

At the 3rd Congress in 1935, a new party program was adopted, which represents an attempt to adapt the principles of universal fascism to Russian reality in matters of the future structure of the Russian state.

It should be noted, however, that the ideology of Russian fascism in the Far East is strongly influenced by German National Socialism and has recently been veering towards the old Russian nationalism.

But in Europe, Russian fascist thought continues to develop and its representative is the magazine "Cry", published in Belgium.

In development of the 1927 program, "Cry" published a brochure by its employee Verista (pseudonym); "Basic principles of Russian fascism." In it, the author, under the slogan of Russian fascism “God, Nation and Labor,” establishes the general provisions of Russian fascism, which is the doctrine of the national revival of Russia on the basis of a new national statehood, formulated and approved on the experience of the Italian Empire by the creator of the fascist doctrine and leader of Italian fascism B. Mussolini. With such interest of the Russian emigration in fascist teaching, one should welcome the publishing house "Renaissance", which wished to offer to the attention of the Russian reader the "Doctrine of Fascism" by B. Mussolini.

For his part, the translator considers it his duty to express his deep gratitude to B. Mussolini for his kind consent to publish the Russian translation of “The Doctrine of Fascism.”

Ivan Aleksandrovich Ilyin, our outstanding philosopher, gave a very good formulation of the experience of knowledge of fascist regimes by Russian emigration. He wrote that the Russians had no need to borrow all this, even valuable things that were in the authoritarian regimes of that time, directly from them, from foreign fascism; on the contrary, he wrote, fascism unconsciously sought to realize an ideal close to the Russian one. Quote:

“The state is not a mechanism of competing interests, but an organism of fraternal service, unity of faith, honor and sacrifice: this is the historical and political basis of Russia. Russia began to move away from it and was crushed. Russia will return to it again. Fascism does not give us a new idea, but only new attempts to implement this Christian, Russian national idea in our own way in relation to our conditions.”

Now everyone calls Germany of those years fascist, but the regime itself did not call itself fascist, it was National Socialism. And it was precisely the word “socialism”, the fact that there was, as it were, a socialist component in the name of this criminal regime - this was very unpleasant for left-wing journalists and, naturally, for the Soviet propaganda organs, and therefore the word fascism was very quickly pulled onto Nazism.

But the difference here is cardinal. It is that the Nazi regime was racist and set the goal of mastering the world for the German nation; all other peoples had to be either destroyed or turned into slaves. The fascists did not set themselves such goals and, for example, such a liberal figure in the Orthodox Parisian jurisdiction, a historian of the Church, like Kartashev, after the war, when the fascists had already lost everything, and it was already a utopia to make such plans, said that two countries remained - Spain and Portugal, where the principles of Christian statehood are embodied in a new way. It was brave to say this after the war, but he said it honestly. So it would be more correct for us today to say: “Victory over Nazism, not over fascism.”

“Fascism is an ideological and political movement that arose in 1919 in Italy and Germany and expressed the interests of the most reactionary and aggressive layers of both the large and middle and petty bourgeoisie. The ideology of fascism includes the ideas of racial inequality and the superiority of one race over another, “class harmony" (theories of "people's community" and "corporatism"), leaderism ("Führerism"), the omnipotence of geopolitics (the struggle for living space). Fascism is characterized by an autocratic political regime, the use of extreme forms and means of suppression democratic rights and freedoms, widespread use of state-monopoly methods of regulating the economy, comprehensive control over public and personal life, reliance on nationalist ideas and social-demagogic attitudes. Foreign policy fascism - the policy of imperialist conquests"3.

When on March 23, 1919, several dozen people of the most diverse political views and orientations gathered in one of the premises of the Association of Traders and Shopkeepers of Milan - republicans, socialists, anarchists, unclassifiable rebels and former soldiers, led by a recent soldier and aspiring journalist Benito Mussolini - and called themselves fascists (from Italian fascio - bundle, association; "fascia" of lictors - a symbol of power in Ancient Rome), no one could imagine that this meeting marked the beginning of an ideological and political movement, and then a political regime, which became a black sign of the 20th century.

Fascism was not the evil intent of individuals or masses of people, although individuals stood at the head of it, and the masses supported them. Fascism arose, in the words of the French political scientist Chantal Millon-Delsole, from that vast nebula that formed after the First World War, like a plume of dust, in all countries of Europe without exception and even beyond its borders. Fascist ideology was a unique reaction to the comprehensive crisis of society: the economic and social crisis due to the dehumanization of labor and the mass relocation of people from villages to cities; political crisis as a result of the inadequacy of new democratic regimes, as well as abuses and corruption in democratic states; intellectual and spiritual crisis generated by modern radicalism and the erosion of religious and moral values4. However, he did not find favor everywhere. The response to the challenge of the times in the USA, for example, was " new course"President Roosevelt.

In the countries that were defeated in the First World War, and especially in Germany, there were additional reasons for the emergence of fascism. One of them was the feeling of humiliation that the nation experienced in connection with the reparations paid to the victorious countries for the damage caused to them, which in official propaganda and at the everyday level in those years was regarded as nothing less than the “greatest shame” of the German nation, which can only be washed away by a new one. blood. Ideas, slogans, teachings were heard that Germany was “above all” and “above all.” Fascist leaders successfully used this moment and deliberately fueled revanchist sentiments.

Based on research in electoral sociology, American scientist S.M. Lipset created a robot portrait of a voter who supported the Nazis in Germany in 1932; a self-employed member of the middle classes, living on a farm or in a small settlement, a Protestant who has previously voted for some centrist or regionalist party, and is hostile to big industry. A little time will pass, and not only the thousands of ordinary people described by Lipset, but also many thousands of other representatives of the German people will turn into a mass responsive to fascist propaganda.

Fascism as an ideology is an extremely eclectic system of views. In addition, although it has common features, it has many faces and bears some national characteristics. Stories of the 20th century different fascisms are known: Italian fascism, German National Socialism, Portuguese fascism of dictator Salazar (until 1974), Spanish fascism of General Franco (until 1975), etc. Each of the national variants is distinguished by a noticeable originality in ideology.

Thus, National Socialism is characterized by the idealization of biological laws and an attempt to transfer to society the rule of the strong, which reigns in nature. Fascism admires the law of nature according to which the power of the strong over the weak can be justified. The value here is the elitist-hierarchical principle, according to which some are born to command, and others to obey. This ideology strongly praises war, which leads to the unity of the nation, justifies territorial claims to other nations, and encourages imperialism as the conquest of “living space” for the resettled country. German National Socialism rejected the process of modernization and dreamed of an “agrarian country of Germany.” Leaderism (the principle of the Fuhrer) meant the unity of the state, embodied in the leader. The principle of the omnipotence of the state machine and the corporate state was extolled in every possible way. The main difference between National Socialism in the family fascist ideologies became the presence in it of a conspiracy theory of Western plutocracies and Bolshevism as weapons of world Jewry against Germany. And also the theory about the insurmountability of the inequality of races and nations and the world domination of the Aryan race, identified with the German nation.

Thus, Hitler’s book “My Struggle” is heavily involved in nationalism and racism. Hitler spoke of the Germans as the supreme, chosen nation. Only the German by nature is a true man, the most typical representative of humanity; only the German people managed to preserve their pristine purity of language and blood. Back in the 12th century. In Germany, a theory arose that Adam and Eve spoke German. The language of the Germans appeared before the language of other peoples; it is pure, while other languages ​​are a mixture of heterogeneous elements.

“The implementation of racist concepts in a racist state,” Hitler wrote, “will allow us to enter a period of prosperity: instead of improving the breed of dogs, horses or cats, people will improve their own breed; in this era of human history, some, having learned the truth, will silently commit an act of self-denial, others will gladly offer themselves as a gift to the nation. The German people have no other future than world domination.”5 He expressed his true attitude towards the German people in January 1942 after the defeat near Moscow: “If the German people are not ready to fight for their survival, well, then they must disappear”6.

Unlike German National Socialism, which sought to create a “thousand-year Reich,” Italian fascism speculated on the idea of ​​​​recreating the Great Roman Empire. In 1936, Mussolini announced to all Italians about a great historical event - the conquest of the African country of Abyssinia by Italian troops. "Italy has an empire!" - he announced. Mussolini's regime, remembering pre-Christian Rome, imitated the regime of the Caesars and the times of paganism.

One of the main ideas of Italo-fascism is the idea of ​​a corporate state. “Our state is neither absolute, nor even more absolutist, detached from people and armed only with immutable laws, as laws should be. Our state is an organic, humane state, most closely connected with real life", wrote Mussolini in the book "The Corporate State."7 In the corporate system, the economy is organized into state-controlled associations of labor and capital, everyone working "in harmony" through a one-party dictatorship. The corporate system assumes that a person can express himself as a citizen , only as a member of the group. Mussolini introduced the concept of totalitarianism into political language when he said that the fascist state is totalitarian, i.e. does not allow any association or values ​​other than itself.

In the family of fascist ideologies, the ideology associated with the name of Antonio Salazar, the Portuguese dictator who ruled the country from 1932 until the end of the 60s, stands somewhat apart. To imagine the situation in the country before Salazar, it is enough to say that from the moment of the proclamation of the republic in 1910 until the military revolt of 1926, i.e. In 16 years, there have been 16 coups in Portugal.

Salazar was a professor at the University of Corimba. In view of the plight of the country, he was offered emergency powers. Using them, he managed to gradually improve the economy. “One of my principles, which I always follow,” he noted, “is this: no one can challenge the rightness of the head of state, which means that in the settlement of political problems there is only one supreme arbiter, whose enlightened decision is binding on all.” .

Fascism is a complex phenomenon caused by many factors. But in a certain sense, we can say that fascism comes and goes not only due to the presence or absence of these factors, but also along with the personality of that political leader, which becomes its symbolic expression.

• 1. What are the basic principles of “classical” liberalism?
• 2. How does neoliberalism differ from “classical” liberalism?
• 3. What are distinctive features conservatism and neoconservatism?
• 4. Describe the essence of social democratic concepts. What is the concept of "democratic socialism"?
• 5. What is the role of political ideologies in society and politics?

Fascism (Italian fascismo, from fascio - bundle, bundle, association) is one of the forms of reactionary anti-democratic bourgeois movements and regimes characteristic of the era of the general crisis of capitalism, expressing the interests of the most reactionary and aggressive forces of the imperialist bourgeoisie.

Fascism as a movement is a kind of right-wing conservative revolutionism - a reaction to the deep crisis of capitalism, trying to save it from death by breaking bourgeois democracy and extreme violence.

Fascism in power (i.e., the fascist regime) is an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary forces of monopoly capital, carried out with the aim of preserving the capitalist system.

In the imperialist reaction, anti-proletarian, anti-socialist tendencies were combined with anti-liberal ones, since liberalism was considered synonymous with bourgeois democracy. Fascism, despite the anti-communism that prevails in it, is anti-democratic in the broadest sense of the word, being a decisive and consistent rejection of not only socialist, but also bourgeois democracy.

The emergence of fascism in the political arena is the result of a crisis in the socio-economic, political and cultural development of bourgeois society, the fear of the ruling bourgeoisie before the onslaught of revolutionary socialism. Fascism intensifies its activity at a time of aggravation of the crisis of imperialism, when the desire of the reaction to apply methods of brutal suppression of democratic and revolutionary forces increases. The uneven pace and forms of development of this crisis, the decline or underdevelopment of democratic-parliamentary forms of political life, the contradictions between the degree of ideological organization and the level of culture of the masses, the “newest” means of mobilizing old mass prejudices - characteristic elements the soil on which fascism grows. It is no coincidence that fascism established itself in conditions of the greatest severity of these contradictions, favorable for the involvement of relatively wide sections of the mainly petty-bourgeois population in political actions as a “crowd”.

With all the known history or possible diversity of fascist movements (differing from each other various options combinations of military and party dictatorship, terrorist and ideological coercion, nationalism and statism, etc.) general condition for their formation is crisis of democratic forms of the bourgeois state in the absence or insufficiency of other effective forms of regulation of social relations. Characteristic of the entire era of monopoly capitalism, the tendency noted by Lenin towards the elimination or emasculation of democracy constitutes a necessary condition under which fascism develops and comes to power.

The main role in the genesis of fascism belongs to such a fundamental feature of imperialism as the monopolization of the economy.

Monopolization of the economy required an increasing role of the state. Entrepreneurs in the era of free competition needed a state with modest functions and expenses, a kind of “night watchman.” They had enough space in production and in markets. Labor movement It was still just being formed organizationally, so the bourgeoisie felt strong enough to do without the mediation of the state in relations with the workers. The bourgeoisie of the era of monopoly capitalism makes different demands on the state. With its help, it seeks to ensure hegemony in domestic markets and conquer external markets, to maintain class dominance under the pressure of the developing labor movement. She does not need a modest “night watchman,” but a sentry armed to the teeth, capable of defending her internal and external interests.

The more the basis of the capitalist system tends to turn into a monopoly, the more the concentration of capital grows, the more the state tends to turn into a state not of all capitalists, but into a state of finance capital, the ruling oligarchy. This development already concealed the threat of establishing control over the state and society from the most aggressive groups of monopoly capital.

As a result of the concentration of production and capital, a powerful financial and industrial oligarchy is formed: steel, coal, oil, cannon, newspaper and other “kings” form dynasties, the wealth of which and the degree of influence on all aspects of life reach unprecedented proportions.

The transition of capitalism to the imperialist stage was accompanied by increasing uneven economic development of individual countries. The bourgeoisie of the “belated” countries sought to rely on the support of the state in order to confront the bourgeoisie of the countries of “old capitalist development”, which had managed to gain a foothold in foreign markets, create colonial empires. The intense rivalry over “place in the sun,” as well as the development of the labor movement, led to the growth of militaristic tendencies. The maintenance of standing armies, drawing millions of people into the orbit of military training, and the creation of a large military-industrial potential have noticeably increased the share of militarism in capitalist society and given it qualitatively new features. Militarism assumes enormous proportions primarily under the direct influence of the process of economic monopolization. In the field of military production, gigantic monopolies are emerging, inextricably linked with the state. These initial manifestations of state-monopoly capitalism to a certain extent anticipated the creation of the modern military-industrial complex.

Militarism served as a constant support for authoritarian-dictatorial aspirations within the ruling classes and fueled an atmosphere of nationalistic-chauvinistic frenzy. He trained personnel capable of any crime. It is no coincidence that almost the entire fascist “elite”, to one degree or another, went through the barracks school of militarism. The historical destinies of fascism and militarism are inseparable from each other.

4. The social basis of fascism

4.1. Oligarchy

One of the main social consequences The monopolization of the economy was the formation of a new element of the elite of bourgeois society - a monopolistic oligarchy, which gradually turned into the decisive force of the upper camp. It is precisely its most reactionary factions that become a powerful generator of tendencies that contribute to the emergence of fascism.

4.2. Middle layers

In the era of imperialism, the economic and social reality of bourgeois society is formed, giving rise to such psychological properties, which can be manipulated by the most extreme reaction. First of all, this applies to the petty-bourgeois and middle strata, occupying an intermediate position between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. During the period of monopoly capitalism, their social positions were shaken. The petty bourgeoisie seemed to be caught between two fires. On the one hand, she felt her weakness in front of the monopolies, and on the other, she was afraid of the organized labor movement that was gaining strength.

In the “belated” imperialist states, the intensive breakdown of traditional socio-economic structures especially aggravated class contradictions and created a tense psychological situation for numerous sections of the population that did not have time to adapt to rapidly changing conditions.

The idea of ​​“national greatness” gave the petty bourgeois compensation for their shaky economic positions. Imperialist expansion looked like a concrete implementation of this idea.

Served as an effective lever for drawing mass strata into the orbit of imperialist politics reactionary nationalism. It is difficult to overestimate his role in preparing the social base of fascism. At the same time, it must be borne in mind that in the concepts widespread in the West, nationalism is portrayed as a kind of spontaneous impulse of the broad masses of the people, which allegedly pushed the top along the path of expansion.

In fact, nationalist hysteria planted from above. Specific historical facts testify to the top origin of reactionary nationalism in imperialist countries. It fit organically into the context political course tops, which received the name social-imperialism. This course provided for certain handouts to representatives of the dominant nations through robbery colonial peoples combined with nationalist propaganda, cultivating a sense of racial and national superiority.

The relationship between nationalism and fascism is even closer. Many ideological principles and the practical methods of reactionary nationalism were easily absorbed by fascist movements, and in some countries, most notably Italy and Germany, fascism directly and directly integrated nationalist organizations into their ranks. But it should be emphasized that from the very beginning there were social limits beyond which nationalism could not penetrate in any effective way. Nationalist propaganda had the least success among workers.

Based on its external appearance, bourgeois historians impose ideas about fascism as a “petty-bourgeois”, “middle-class” phenomenon or even a “popular” movement. Essentially, there is only one criterion - the social basis, taken in isolation from the political function of fascist movements and regimes. Naturally, with this approach, the genesis of fascism is considered only from the point of view of the political behavior of certain sections of the population, mainly the petty bourgeoisie. It follows that fascism appears, as it were, in the intermediate zone between capitalism and socialism as a kind of “third force”. Bourgeois scholars often uncritically follow the propaganda writings of fascist ideologists who proclaimed fascists as champions of the “third way” or “third force.”

Meanwhile, the presence of a mass base is an essential, but not universal, feature of fascism. There are its varieties (for example, military fascism), for which the mass base is not an integral attribute. Sometimes fascism creates support for itself among the masses after it comes to power (Portugal, Spain). Even in those cases where the fascists manage to win over certain sections of the population to their side (Germany, Italy), this becomes possible only thanks to the political, financial and spiritual support of the top. Both fascist tendencies at the top and extremist movements with fascist potential from socially heterogeneous elements were formed in a single stream of bourgeois reaction.

Fine known facts from the history of the main varieties of fascism convincingly indicate that the ruling classes support the fascists not only at a time when they have already managed to mobilize the masses, relying on own strength, but also since the birth of fascist movements. Moreover, precisely so that they solve the problem of involving the masses in the orbit of reactionary politics.

The experience of war, revolution, and finally the Kapp putsch showed the ultra-conservative factions at the top that, despite all their contempt for the people, they cannot do without a social base. But the ruling circles, naturally, did not intend to satisfy the real interests of the working people. Nationalist and social demagoguery was supposed to serve as bait for certain segments of the population. New methods of propaganda and agitation were needed.

The extremism of the petty bourgeoisie and the middle strata is not identical to the extremism of the ruling classes. Extremism at the top is primarily of a political nature, while petty-bourgeois extremism is largely characterized by socio-psychological features. The uniqueness of petty-bourgeois extremism is determined by the fact that it also contains an anti-capitalist, or more precisely, anti-monopoly charge. The extremist factions at the top considered the most important task of the fascist movements to be the introduction of petty-bourgeois extremism into a pro-monopoly channel and the neutralization of its anti-capitalist aspects. The fusion of monopolistic and petty-bourgeois extremism led to the formation of “classical” varieties of fascism, based on a mass base.

The fascists skillfully played on the emotions of the petty bourgeoisie, flattered their pride, and promised to bring them to power. Among the petty-bourgeois supporters of fascism there were many people who really believed in the revolutionary nature of the new movement, in its anti-capitalist slogans, and saw in it a genuine “third force.” Their sincere conviction gave credibility to the inherently demagogic fascist propaganda addressed to the middle strata. This already contained elements of contradiction between the political function and the social basis of fascism. This contradiction manifested itself with particular force during the period of consolidation of fascist regimes, when the demagogic veil was dissipated and the essence of fascism as a dictatorship of the most aggressive and reactionary monopolistic groups clearly emerged. Moreover, after the establishment of fascist regimes, there was an elimination of those radical elements who took seriously the propaganda phraseology of the leaders. One aspect of the notorious “Night of the Long Knives” in Germany (June 30, 1934) was the elimination of disgruntled stormtroopers who demanded a “second revolution.” Mussolini was given a lot of trouble by supporters of the “second wave”, who were not satisfied with the policies of the Duce after the “March on Rome”. In Francoist Spain, the contradiction between petty-bourgeois and lumpen-proletarian elements and the top of the regime was reflected in the “old shirts” front. However, despite the contradictions, the fascist leaders managed (with varying degrees of success) to maintain mass support by combining terror with social and nationalist demagoguery.

4.3. Lumpen proletariat

When it comes to recruits of fascism, one cannot fail to take into account those from the lumpen-proletarian environment, who willingly fall for the bait of reaction. Bourgeois society constantly reproduces this stratum, replenished by those whom it declasses and throws out of the sphere of productive labor. V.I. Lenin described the lumpen as “a layer of corrupt people, completely crushed by capitalism and unable to rise to the idea of ​​proletarian struggle.”

As a result of economic development, accelerated by the scientific and technological revolution, in countries of developed capitalism there is a rapid breakdown of established, traditional structures. As a result of this, groups are formed that have lost their previous social status, are forced to change their usual way of life, abandon previous forms of consumption, etc. An acute form of manifestation of this process has become the progressive marginalization of the consciousness of a significant part of the population. The primary, basic type of marginal consciousness has always been its lumpen-proletarian model. To a large extent, it remains so to this day.

Isolation from society, spontaneous individualism pushes the lumpen marginal to detachment from the political process and to absenteeism. At the same time, deep hostility to society, the desire to immediately consume its wealth, rejection of its norms and values ​​create a potential readiness for destructive actions directed against this society or its individual institutions. In this sense, the marginalized represent a social combustible material capable of spontaneous combustion.

In connection with the growing scope of objective marginalization, its values ​​and attitudes began to penetrate into the consciousness of those groups of the population that had not yet objectively been displaced from production process and, accordingly, the social structure of society. Moreover, the more urgent the danger of becoming a victim of this process, the stronger the influence of marginal views on public consciousness both individual categories of the population and in general.

Thus, the base for far-right extremism still exists and is expanding.

5. Types of fascism

The main criterion for the typology of state-formed fascism can be the degree of concentration of power in the hands of the fascist elite and the extremist factions of monopoly capital fused with it. It depends on a complex of interrelated factors: the level of economic development of the country, the social structure of the population, the strength of the anti-fascist Resistance, the degree of relative independence of the fascist apparatus of power, the place of the fascist elite itself in comparison with the traditional ruling classes in the structure of the regime, and the scale of imperialist claims.

Numerous variants of fascism can be reduced to two main types, depending on how fully each of them reflects the essence of a given phenomenon.

TO first type These include those varieties of fascism that managed to join power to one degree or another. In them, the properties and signs typical of fascism appear especially clearly and expressively, its essence is revealed more clearly. It is fascism in power that is “an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, the most chauvinistic, the most imperialistic elements of finance capital” (G. Dimitrov).

However, it is necessary to take into account the presence of quite important intratype differences. In the period between the two world wars, fascism acquired its most complete form in those countries (primarily in Germany, to a lesser extent in Italy) where fascist organizations became the main support of extremist factions of the ruling classes, where totalitarian dictatorships arose.

In addition to the “classical” models, there were fascist movements, which were, although not the main, but still a significant force in the ruling circles and acted as junior partners in fascist-type regimes. This was especially typical for countries with a relatively backward socio-economic structure, where powerful monopolistic groups had not yet formed. Here, elements of totalitarian dictatorship were combined in systems of domination with traditional authoritarian and even parliamentary forms. Against the background of the “classical” variants of these varieties of fascism, many typological features seem blurred.

Co. second type There are numerous fascist movements that failed to come to power and are stuck on the political periphery. Their function is reduced to the role political reserve of the reactionary wing of the ruling classes. This is how things were in those countries Western Europe, where bourgeois-democratic traditions were deeply rooted, where fascism could not find mass support, where, due to historical and specific situational reasons, the most influential factions of the bourgeoisie placed their main bet not on fascism, but on other methods of upholding class rule. It should be taken into account that the fascists in these countries raised their heads after Hitler came to power, when fascism appeared in its most disgusting form in the eyes of wide sections of the population. Therefore, more favorable preconditions have developed here for uniting anti-fascist forces and organizing resistance to fascist elements.

The peculiarities of genesis affected the varieties of fascism of the second type more strongly, because these varieties never reached the stage of maturity, which comes after coming to power. Their distinctive feature can be considered a much lower degree of internal consolidation. From this point of view, the most indicative is French fascism, which was a particularly motley conglomerate of groups and leaders. The programmatic and tactical guidelines of the “small” fascist movements represented a combination of traditionalist reactionary views with racist mysticism and broadcast social demagoguery.

It should be borne in mind that modernity gives rise to new types of fascism, an example of which is the reactionary dictatorship in the Chilean and Greek versions. A typological feature of all forms of fascism is its close, organic relationship with militarism. Now that the chances of attracting a mass base have decreased significantly compared to the interwar period, the fascists have to compensate for its absence mainly military force, support from international military-imperialist circles. The dictatorship of Pinochet in Chile, the collapse of the “regime of colonels” in Greece after seven years of rule - these are the specific forms "military fascism".

Specific forms of modern fascism in underdeveloped countries have much in common with “military fascism.” It represents a combination of the interests of international imperialism and the reactionary local bureaucracy and military clique. Such fascism is imposed from outside by governments that retain (to a greater or lesser extent) the attributes of bourgeois democracy at home. A distinctive feature of imported fascism is the absence of any serious internal preconditions. It is cultivated in countries with remnants of pre-capitalist relations, where a strong national bourgeoisie has not developed, and in the archaic social structure there are no layers capable of supplying a mass base for fascism.

5.1. Neo-fascism

The bourgeoisie has to consolidate its ranks primarily on the basis of socio-political maneuvering, which is most characteristic of liberal reformist methods of defending its class dominance.

In this process, many are inclined to see a guarantee against the revival of the fascist threat. However, this approach is one-sided. The weakening of the capitalist system is also expressed in the pushing of openly bourgeois parties to the extreme flank and in the strengthening of the positions of workers' parties. In contrast, the ruling class is once again growing in its desire for direct violent action.

Conservative elements are activated. They are trying to surface, using the failures of liberal-reformist policies, arguing that only conservatism is connected with the chances of bourgeois society to get out of the crisis impasse.

The most important distinctive features of all neo-fascist political movements and organizations:

• militant anti-communism and anti-Sovietism;
• extreme nationalism, racism (overt or more or less covert);
• criticism from the far-right positions of bourgeois governments (even the most conservative ones) operating within the framework of the bourgeois parliamentary system;
• the use of violent, terrorist methods of political struggle.

Political and ideological positions neo-fascism reflect the sentiments and interests of the most reactionary elements of the bourgeoisie.

Modern fascism has common roots with conservative reaction; Although neo-fascism has many new elements in ideology, propaganda methods and tactics, it has an inherent capacity for mimicry that can sometimes be confusing. However, when comparing modern fascism with “classical” examples, the continuity appears clearly and clearly. Modern fascism, as well as “traditional” fascism, combines socio-political conservatism and reactionary behavior of the ruling class with petty-bourgeois illusions and rebellion. These two variants of extremism merge into fascism, but between them, as in the past, collisions arise, most often of a tactical nature.

Throughout the entire post-war period, fascist movements serve mainly as a political reserve for the imperialist bourgeoisie, which has so far thrown it into battle on a relatively limited scale. The relative weakness of neo-fascist movements in the modern world should not be a reason to underestimate the threat posed by them. The very fact of their existence negatively affects the spiritual and political climate of many countries. Moreover, as shown historical experience, they can quickly gain strength. The presence of neo-fascist organizations can also contribute to a shift to the right by making other right-wing elements appear more acceptable against their background.

The development of state-monopoly capitalism and the scientific and technological revolution under capitalist conditions give rise to social consequences that can be taken advantage of by neo-fascist elements. As before, the breeding social environment for fascism is the petty-bourgeois and middle strata, which do not always sufficiently consciously navigate the complex modern situation. To this should be added the peasantry, which is being intensively washed out. Employees and members of the intelligentsia, whose occupation has turned into mass professions, are losing their social status. The logic of social struggle draws them to the left, but, given the ability of fascists to speculate on the needs and aspirations of socially disadvantaged layers, one should take into account the potential possibility of temporary interception of some part of them by neo-fascism.

The socio-psychological sources of the fascist danger also remain. Modern bourgeois society strenuously strives to instill in its citizens conformism, apoliticality, and indifference, to turn them into elementary “consumers” who are easily manipulated by the ruling classes.

The aggravation of the general crisis of capitalism is increasingly revealing the incurable ulcers of bourgeois society. Inflation, unemployment, rising crime, moral decay - all this causes an acute psychological reaction among the population, and not all of its categories are able to understand the true causes of these social disasters. The feeling of social discontent combined with a sense of one's own powerlessness gives rise to messianic sentiments. Hence the reliance on a “strong personality” capable of establishing “order.”

Modern fascism also tries to exploit the crisis of bourgeois culture. The scientific and technological revolution under the conditions of state-monopoly capitalism deepened the contradictions between technical progress and culture. The problem of the “human factor” in the bourgeois world is becoming more acute than ever. Personal alienation is growing. The tendency towards a soulless existence is making itself felt more and more. Neo-fascist ideologists, taking this into account, are trying to act as rescuers of human spiritual values. If earlier traditional fascism openly mocked humanistic ideals and values, now certain elements from the modern neo-fascist camp speak from pseudo-humane positions.

To recognize the manifestations of neo-fascism, it is necessary to compare them with the types of fascism that developed during the interwar period. We are not talking about external forms, subject to constant changes, especially considering the exceptional ability of the fascists for mimicry, their adaptability to new conditions. The successive connection between “traditional” and new types of fascism is essential and is found primarily in the methods of political struggle and organization of power, protecting the interests of local or international monopolies.

Along with the unjustified narrowing of the fascist phenomenon to one or two varieties, it is also necessary to take into account the danger of an unduly broad interpretation of this phenomenon. This approach aims to discredit countries adhering to a socialist orientation, revolutionary nationalist regimes pursuing anti-imperialist policies, and in fact turns out to be a modernized version of the notorious concept of “totalitarianism.”

The analysis of new forms of fascism is complicated by the interpretations that have developed in leftist circles. In their opinion, these days fascism no longer needs to carry out coups to seize power. He supposedly has already penetrated quite deeply into the state structure of capitalist countries. Leftist elements consider modern capitalist enterprises to be the hotbeds of fascism, where certain activities are carried out within the framework of social policies designed to distract workers from active participation in the political struggle. Undoubtedly, in the socio-economic and political soil of developed capitalist countries, the prerequisites for a fascist danger remain. But if you do not see the qualitative difference between the repressions that take place under bourgeois-democratic regimes and permanent, total fascist terror, between the liberal reformist or paternalistic social policy of the bourgeoisie and fascist methods of corruption of the masses, you can overlook the real fascist threat.

6. Opposition to fascism

The history of fascism is essentially the history of the collapse of the most decisive and violent attempt of the imperialist reaction to slow down social progress and crack down on the revolutionary movement. Scientific analysis of fascism indicates its historical doom. However, such a conclusion should not entail an underestimation of this dangerous socio-political phenomenon. The victory over fascism was achieved by progressive humanity at an extremely high price.

The discrediting of fascism in the eyes of humanity has greatly narrowed the possibilities for modern reactionaries to maneuver to the right. This can be seen as one of the reasons that, in general, the post-war period in countries of developed capitalism passed under the sign of the predominance of bourgeois reformist policies. Although fascist methods remain in the political arsenal of the bourgeoisie and in crisis situations reactionary adventurist circles may try, despite the negative historical experience, to again resort to fascist methods to save the class rule of the bourgeoisie, the prospects for such a way out of the socio-political crisis in which modern capitalism finds itself have become much more unlikely.

However, fascism still represents a potential danger that cannot be ignored.

Despite the presence in certain countries of favorable preconditions for the genesis of fascism, it would be completely wrong to see some kind of historical predestination in the rise of the fascists to power. The dominance of fascism turned out to be possible only in some countries and during a certain period, although the methods of mass political and ideological violence inherent in fascism became widespread. The establishment of fascism testifies both to the weaknesses of the labor and democratic movement and to the inability of the ruling class - the bourgeoisie - to maintain its power through democratic parliamentary methods.

Therefore, the most important obstacle to fascism is the creation of a united front of democratic forces. The insurmountable obstacle on the path of fascism to power is the unity of the working class. Communist and workers' parties see their task in uniting all anti-fascist forces, in creating a broad front of struggle against the omnipotence of monopolies, for peace and social progress.

We strongly associate the word fascism with Hitler's Germany. However, the head of the Third Reich, Adolf Hitler, did not profess fascism, but National Socialism. While many provisions coincide, there are significant differences and even contradictions between the two ideologies.

A fine line

Today, any movement that is extremely radical in nature, declaring nationalist slogans, is usually called a manifestation of fascism. The word fascist, in fact, has turned into a cliche, having lost its original meaning. This is not surprising, since the two most dangerous totalitarian ideologies The 20th century - fascism and national socialism - were in close contact for a long time, exerting a noticeable influence on each other.

Indeed, they have a lot in common - chauvinism, totalitarianism, leaderism, lack of democracy and pluralism of opinions, reliance on a one-party system and punitive authorities. National Socialism is often called one of the forms of manifestation of fascism. The German Nazis willingly adapted some elements of fascism on their soil, in particular, the Nazi salute is a copy of the so-called Roman salute.

With the widespread confusion of concepts and principles that guided Nazism and fascism, it is not so easy to identify differences between them. But before doing this, we need to look at the origins of the two ideologies.

Fascism

The word fascism has Italian roots: “fascio” in Russian sounds like “union”.
This word, for example, was in the name of Benito Mussolini’s political party – Fascio di combattimento (Union of Struggle). "Fascio" in turn goes back to the Latin word "fascis", which translates as "bundle" or "bundle".

Fasces - bundles of elm or birch twigs, tied with a red cord or tied with belts - were a kind of attribute of power of the ancient Roman kings or masters during the era of the Republic. Initially, they symbolized the right of the authorities to achieve their decisions by using force. According to some versions, the fasces were really a tool corporal punishment, and together with an ax - the death penalty.

The ideological roots of fascism originate in the 1880s in the phenomenon of Fin de siècle (from French - “end of the century”), characterized by oscillations between euphoria in anticipation of change and eschatological fear of the future. The intellectual basis of fascism was largely prepared by the works of Charles Darwin (biology), Richard Wagner (aesthetics), Arthur de Gobineau (sociology), Gustave Le Bon (psychology) and Friedrich Nietzsche (philosophy).

At the turn of the century, a number of works appeared that professed the doctrine of the superiority of an organized minority over a disorganized majority, the legitimacy of political violence, and the concepts of nationalism and patriotism were radicalized. This leads to the appearance political regimes seeking to strengthen the regulatory role of the state, violent methods of suppressing dissent, and rejection of the principles of economic and political liberalism.

In many countries, such as Italy, France, Belgium, Hungary, Romania, Japan, Argentina, fascist movements are loudly making themselves known. They profess similar principles: authoritarianism, social Darwinism, elitism, while simultaneously defending anti-socialist and anti-capitalist positions.

In its purest form, the doctrine of fascism as the power of a corporate state was expressed by the Italian leader Benito Mussolini, who by this word meant not only a system of government, but also an ideology. In 1924, the National Fascist Party of Italy (Partito Nazionale Fascista) received a parliamentary majority, and since 1928 it became the only legal party in the country.

National Socialism

This movement, known under the term "Nazism", became official political ideology in the Third Reich. It is often seen as a type of fascism with elements of pseudoscientific racism and anti-Semitism, which is expressed in the concept of “German fascism”, by analogy with Italian or Japanese fascism.

German political scientist Manuel Sarkisyants writes that Nazism is not a German invention. The philosophy of Nazism and the theory of dictatorship were formulated in the mid-19th century by the Scottish historian and publicist Thomas Carlyle. “Like Hitler, Carlyle never betrayed his hatred, his contempt for the parliamentary system,” notes Sarkisyants. “Like Hitler, Carlyle always believed in the saving virtue of dictatorship.”

The main goal for German National Socialism was to build and establish a “pure state” over the widest possible geographical area, in which the main role would be allocated to representatives of the Aryan race, who have everything necessary for a prosperous existence.

The National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) was in power in Germany from 1933 to 1945. Hitler often emphasized the importance of Italian fascism, which influenced the formation of Nazi ideology. He gave a special place to the March on Rome (the march of Italian fascists in 1922, which contributed to the rise of Mussolini), which became an inspiring example for German radicals.

The ideology of German Nazism was based on the principle of uniting the doctrines of Italian fascism around National Socialist ideas, where Mussolini’s absolute state would be transformed into a society with a eugenic doctrine of race.

So close, but different

According to Mussolini, the main provisions of the fascist doctrine are the doctrine of the state, its essence, tasks and goals. For the ideology of fascism, the state is an absolute - an unquestioned authority and the highest authority. All individuals or social groups are inconceivable without a state.

This idea is expressed more clearly in the slogan that Mussolini proclaimed in his speech in the Chamber of Deputies on May 26, 1927: “Everything is in the state, nothing is against the state and nothing is outside the state.”

The attitude of the National Socialists towards the state was fundamentally different. For the ideologists of the Third Reich, the state is “only a means to preserve the people.” In the long term, National Socialism did not aim to maintain the structure of the state, but sought to reorganize it into public institutions.

The state in National Socialism was considered as an intermediate stage in the construction of an ideal, pure racially society. Here one can see some analogy with the ideas of Marx and Lenin, who considered the state a transitional form on the path to building a classless society.

The second stumbling block between the two systems is the national and racial question. For the fascists, a corporate approach to solving national problems was extremely important in this regard. Mussolini stated that “race is a feeling, not a reality; 95% feeling." Moreover, Mussolini tried to avoid this word whenever possible, replacing it with the concept of nation. It was the Italian nation that was a source of pride for the Duce and an incentive for its further exaltation.

Hitler called the concept of "nation" "obsolete and empty", despite the presence of this word in the name of his party. National question German leaders decided through a racial approach, literally by mechanically purifying the race and maintaining racial purity through weeding out foreign elements. The racial question is the cornerstone of Nazism.

Racism and anti-Semitism were alien to fascist ideology in its original sense. Although Mussolini admitted that he became a racist back in 1921, he emphasized that there was no imitation of German racism here. “It is necessary that Italians respect their race,” Mussolini declared his “racist” position.

Moreover, Mussolini more than once condemned the eugenic teachings of National Socialism about the purity of the race. In March 1932, in a conversation with the German writer Emil Ludwig, he noted that “to date there are no completely pure races left in the world. Even the Jews did not escape confusion.”

“Anti-Semitism does not exist in Italy,” declared the Duce. And these were not just words. While anti-Semitic campaigns in Italy were gaining momentum in Germany, many important positions in universities, banks or the army continued to be held by Jews. It was only in the mid-1930s that Mussolini declared white supremacy in Italy's African colonies and adopted anti-Semitic rhetoric for the sake of an alliance with Germany.

It is important to note that Nazism is not a necessary component of fascism. Thus, the fascist regimes of Salazar in Portugal, Franco in Spain or Pinochet in Chile were deprived of the theory of racial superiority fundamental to Nazism.