Ministerial leapfrog. New stage of liberal reforms

“The ministers are jumping, jumping, jumping...”

What took shape in the government sphere from mid-1915, and in 1916 finally blossomed in full bloom, received light hand famous right-wing monarchist figure V.M. Purishkevich’s definition of “ministerial leapfrog,” indicating an absolute crisis of power.

Four heads of government, six ministers of internal affairs, four ministers of military affairs, four ministers of justice, and three ministers of railways were replaced.

V.N. Kokovtsov wrote about this situation:

“The government suffered more and more frequent changes, as ministers were replaced with incredible speed, and those who left were replaced by people more and more unknown, and they began to talk more and more loudly about the so-called influence.” dark forces“since no one understood where these new people were coming from, with their dubious past, chaotic plans and complete lack of preparation for the business of management, and even in such a terrible time.”

The phenomenon became especially widespread in 1916, which is most clearly visible in the example of the persons who headed the Council of Ministers.

In January, I.L. resigned. Goremykin, replaced by B.V. Sturmer. In November, he was appointed to replace the latter former minister communication lines A.F. Trepov. But he lasted just over a month. On December 27, Prince N.D. was confirmed as Chairman of the Government. Golitsyn, who held this post until February Revolution.

Determining role in ministerial appointments“dark forces” were not observed in reality. All this is precisely nothing more than at the level of “they began to talk.” S.V. is probably right. Kulikov: “Shuffling around ministers, Nikolai tried to create his own version of the “Ministry of Trust,” an alternative to the one proposed by the opposition.” It is worth adding, however, that in accordance with their ideological ideals.

This did not solve the problem, it did not contribute to the “unity of the king and the people”...

Perhaps the greatest damage was caused by the appointment of B.V. to the post of chairman of the government on January 20, 1916. Sturmer.

According to the American researcher R. Pipes, the resignation of Goremykin and his replacement by Sturmer was caused by the fear that the elderly Goremykin (he was 77 years old) might not be able to cope with the opposition Duma, which was to resume its session. Quite possibly. It is no coincidence that in one of her letters Alexandra Fedorovna wrote to Nicholas II that Stürmer was a “decisive and loyal person” who “will keep others in his hands.” But Stürmer's appointment shocked even members of the government cabinet, who initially refused to believe in such a possibility.

It also shocked allied diplomatic circles. English Ambassador J. Buchanan obtained an audience with Nicholas II and persistently tried to convince the emperor to “take a more liberal path” and strengthen “the bonds between the sovereign and the people.” Didn't achieve success. The Tsar declared that “the time for concessions has not yet come.”

We limited ourselves to a formal curtsy. For the first time in many years, Nicholas II visited the Duma on the opening day of its session. But the course was kept unchanged.

Another review of the composition of the government has begun.

Gradually eliminated last ministers“liberal trends”, which “disloyally”, in the view of the emperor, manifested themselves during the August (1915) government crisis (A.A. Polivanov, S.D. Sazonov). They also parted ways with “loyal ministers”, but who believed that more business relations with the Duma public. Some could not stand it and asked to resign themselves (like, for example, the Minister of Agriculture A.N. Naumov). At parting, the king hugged them and kissed them, but... did not hold back and did not change course.

The government cabinet acquired a more homogeneous and more right-wing conservative character. The powers of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers in resolving conflicts between individual departments were expanded. A system of power was formed, which was defined by contemporaries as the “dictatorship of Stürmer,” who, in addition to the chairmanship, also occupied the most important ministerial posts.

In March, after the dismissal of A.N., who was intriguing against Rasputin. Khvostov (nephew of the Minister of Justice A.A. Khvostov), ​​Sturmer headed the Ministry of Internal Affairs. After his resignation in July 1916, S.D. Sazonov, he became Minister of Foreign Affairs, transferring the portfolio of the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to Uncle Khvostov. It is worth noting that both the Empress and Rasputin opposed such a concentration of power.

In society, Stürmer had a reputation as an “unprincipled person” and a “complete nonentity,” and even with a “German surname.” In addition to his surname, he was known for his German sympathies and close relationship with Rasputin. And his appointment and actions were perceived as “indisputable proof” of the influence of “dark forces” and “treachery” that allegedly existed at the Court and was associated with the “empress’s entourage.”

Moreover, since the autumn of 1915, rumors had been circulating that Alexandra Fedorovna intended to forcibly remove Nicholas II from power in favor of the heir Alexei, and herself become regent and make peace with the Germans.

The feeling of alienation grew into outright hostility and hostility towards the “German”. They were not hidden and were openly demonstrated even in the “highest spheres.”

According to A.A. Vyrubova, during Alexandra Feodorovna’s visits to Headquarters, those invited to the royal breakfast tried to “get sick” and not show up, including the Grand Dukes. A foreign representatives, without lowering their voices, made various “comments” addressed to her.

What can we say about the lower classes?..

In the fall, tsarism began another wave of government moves, which were supposed to soften the situation somewhat, demonstrating a “desire” to normalize relations with the public.

In particular, in September 1916, the Octobrist A.D. was appointed Minister of the Interior. Protopopova. Previously, he was a comrade (deputy) of the chairman of the IV State Duma, headed the Duma delegation, which during April - June 1916 visited allied and neutral states. Nicholas II himself cited the need for a Minister of Internal Affairs who “will work together with the Duma” as one of the reasons for his choice for the post of head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. This repeated the maneuver of a year ago, when Prince N.B. Shcherbatova was first appointed State Duma deputy A.N. as Minister of Internal Affairs. Khvostova.

This was, however, belated and looked extremely clumsy. No one believed in the reality of the concession and in the reality of turning the helm. The French ambassador M. Paleologue wrote:

“The new Minister of Internal Affairs is one of the comrades of the Chairman of the Duma, Protopopov. Until now, the emperor rarely chose his ministers from among the people's representatives. Protopopov's choice does not, however, represent any evolution towards parliamentarism. Far from it..."

The corresponding “beliefs” (prejudices) have already been formed and are firmly rooted. And the royal appointments were perceived with the opposite reaction, they were doomed “to be condemned public opinion" Especially if they received the support and approval of G.E. Rasputin and Alexandra Fedorovna, as in the case of Protopopov.

« Ministerial leapfrog"finally discredited government power. A poem from that period is typical:

Ministers are jumping, jumping, jumping
In tireless leapfrog,
And the Russians are crying, crying
All about food...
O Russian! For God's sake,
Don't trust ministers at all!

Moreover, the “ministerial leapfrog” simply paralyzed her.

The point is not only and not so much about persons “unfit to govern.” Among the newly appointed ministers there were quite efficient and knowledgeable people. But they themselves did not believe in the possibility of actually accomplishing something within the “time allotted to them” (a month, a year, or maybe a week?).

Moreover, there was no hope for the support of the imperial government in carrying out reform measures, as was already obvious. Nicholas II stubbornly adhered to the position that “no internal reforms cannot be carried out until the end of the war.” The Empress generally called it “little things” and called on her husband to “be an autocrat” and “show your fist.”

“The Romanov car” was dashing towards the abyss, bouncing on the potholes of problems created largely by the autocracy itself...

RUSSIAN REVOLUTION: HISTORY LESSONS*

"Ministerial leapfrog"

Alexander Eliseev,
Candidate of Historical Sciences

Last two years of existence Russian Empire the tsarist government was subject to constant personnel rotation, which contemporaries aptly dubbed “ministerial leapfrog”

Still would! In two years - from the beginning of 1915 to February 1917 - there were four prime ministers, six ministers of the interior, four ministers of war and four ministers of justice. Why not leapfrog?

What is the reason for such personnel instability? First World War sharply aggravated social and political contradictions in the country. On the wave of dissatisfaction with military failures, the liberal Duma opposition grew stronger and consolidated. A Progressive Bloc emerged, uniting the majority of deputies, among whom were those who held right-wing monarchist views. With the assistance of a disgruntled public, the new coalition launched a powerful offensive against the tsarist government. She was also supported by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, the king’s uncle Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich.

Being in an extremely difficult situation, the authorities decided to give in to the opposition and make some sacrifice. Thus, the four “most right-wing” ministers who were part of the government of Ivan Goremykin (1839–1917) were dismissed - Nikolay Maklakov, Vladimir Sabler And Ivan Shcheglovitov.

However, these concessions did not solve the problems: the Duma majority dreamed of establishing control over the entire cabinet and such half-measures did not suit the deputies. Moreover, now the majority of members of the government itself were in opposition to the tsar (the Minister of Land Management and Agriculture played the first fiddle here Alexander Krivoshein).

Ivan Goremykin

A collective letter was written to the monarch, in which the frontier ministers declared their “difference of opinion” with Prime Minister Goremykin.

But then the wheel of fortune turned towards power. In August 1915, the situation at the front stabilized, and the Tsar decided that he could afford radical measures. He sent government “troublemakers” into resignation, and “at the same time” removed his ambitious uncle from the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief, personally leading the Russian army. The opposition began to lick its wounds and prepare for a new assault. The authorities were well aware of its inevitability, which dictated the need for new personnel changes. Goremykin was a reliable guide to the will of the tsar, maintained close ties with monarchist organizations and enjoyed the respect of prominent figures in the monarchist movement. But age took its toll, while this post required a more energetic person, because new approaches were expected from the prime minister - with unconditional loyalty to the sovereign.

in the photo (from left to right):
Nikolai Maklakov, Vladimir Sukhomlinov, Ivan Sabler

Such a person was considered Boris Sturmer(1848–1917), who was entrusted to head not only the government, but also two most important ministries - foreign and internal affairs. Stürmer became head of the cabinet on January 20, 1916 and remained in this position until November of the same year. He was an energetic and at the same time balanced politician who knew perfectly well how all the mechanisms of the struggle for power work. Stürmer organized a conservative-monarchist circle, which included members State Council, senators and officials. This meeting, numbering 30–40 people, was a superbly functioning political club. Every week there were meetings of the circle, where specially prepared reports were discussed, on which resolutions were made. On the basis of this club, the right-wing group of the State Council and the Permanent Council of United Noble Societies arose. These were very respectable elite associations, the level of which was higher than the level of mass monarchical organizations (the Union of the Russian People and others).

Boris Sturmer

Stürmer proposed to the government, the Duma and the public “ new course", based on constructive cooperation. However, the opposition-minded public did not accept this course. Having met Stürmer's conciliatory gestures with cold indifference, she later began to treat the prime minister with open hostility. The opposition needed a government subordinate to the Duma and its liberal majority. She preferred confrontation, and Stürmer turned out to be a figure convenient for attacks. The fact that he came from a family of Russified Germans also played a role. The fact is that the opposition loved to exploit the “German theme”, accusing the authorities of pandering to Germany. So Stürmer was labeled a “compromiser” and they even talked about his desire to conclude a separate peace with the Germans. Of course, he did not want anything of the kind - he simply took a firm position towards the allies, believing that they must fulfill Russia's demands regarding the post-war future. Therefore, the allies themselves did not treat him in the best way.

During Stürmer's premiership, two important resignations occurred. The Minister of Internal Affairs and the Minister of Foreign Affairs lost their posts. It must be said that Khvostov was an ideological man: he accepted Active participation in the activities of monarchical organizations and even at some point became the head of the right-wing faction in the Fourth State Duma. And at the same time, he recognized the possibility of some compromise with the opposition and called for meeting the public halfway where this is permissible (without giving up positions). Khvostov stood on this even when he was Minister of Internal Affairs. Then he often visited the Duma and communicated with deputies. He made attempts (and not without success) to reconcile the various opposing directions of the right. He also had a certain “social” bias: for example, Khvostov prepared an All-Russian workers’ congress, and also supported the creation of consumer shops designed to combat high prices. His political intrigue ruined him: he tried to form a secret conspiracy against Grigory Rasputin.

In the photo (from left to right): Alexey Khvostov, Sergey Sazonov

Sergei Sazonov opposed Nicholas II became the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, and even hatched plans for the formation of a “government of people’s trust.” He assured that such a government would only strengthen the power of the tsar, but this smacked too much of the “responsible ministry” that liberals dreamed of. By the way, the liberals themselves constantly criticized the Sazon ministry.

Stürmer took over the posts of retired ministers, concentrating a significant power resource in his hands. They even began to talk about his “dictatorship.” And the opposition, of course, did not fail to play on this topic. A powerful attack was organized against Stürmer. Unexpectedly, the great princes, who were in interaction with the liberal opposition, took part in it. This strange alliance was based on a common desire to limit the power of the monarch - each side, of course, pursued its own interests. The Grand Dukes Nikolai Mikhailovich, Georgiy Mikhailovich and Mikhail Alexandrovich sent letters to the Tsar in which they tried to instill in him the idea of ​​​​the need to create a “responsible ministry”.

Here it should be emphasized that each of the elite groups had its own views on power, searching for its own cherished paths to it. Thus, the chief of staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Headquarters, Mikhail Alekseev, proposed introducing the position of “Supreme Minister of Defense”, who would lead all other ministries. In essence, we were talking about an army dictatorship, which, according to Alekseev’s plan, needed to be disguised as a pocket “government of trust”, including popular public figures.

Mikhail Alekseev

Alexander Guchkov

After the assassination of Pyotr Stolypin, the political horizon of the Russian Empire lost its bright and charismatic figures. Period 1915-1917 received the definition of “ministerial leapfrog” among historians and contemporaries. It is usually characterized as a time of unprecedented chaos in high level governance of the Russian Empire, when ministers and even prime ministers were deprived of their positions at the whim of the all-powerful Grigory Rasputin and other “dark forces” surrounding the monarchy. In the end, it was the inability of the state apparatus to function in a normal operating mode that made the February Revolution possible.

In fact, the period 1915-1917. did not become for Russia a time of creative geniuses from management. Often, appointed officials did not have time to understand the essence of the problems of their department before their resignation or were initially poorly prepared for government work in difficult times for the country. However, it is also true that many ideas about this period were formed under the influence of the Soviet historical school, for obvious reasons, inclined to demonstrate the failure of “tsarism”. As a result, a number of myths have formed that give a largely distorted idea of political life the last years of the reign of Nicholas II.

Let's try to understand the most typical of them.

1. “Ministerial leapfrog” is a phenomenon characteristic of the Russian Empire.

The First World War became a heavy burden for all its main participants on both sides of the front. Huge state machines were involved in global confrontation, which had no analogues in history. New challenges required new solutions in economics, finance, management, and military affairs. Very often, even officials who showed great promise in the pre-war period were unable to cope with the burden of tasks that had to be solved quickly and effectively.

In particular, Russia's Entente allies experienced personnel instability.

IN British Empire for the period 1915-1917. 2 prime ministers, 4 ministers of internal affairs, 2 ministers of foreign affairs, 4 ministers of war, 3 ministers of naval affairs, and 3 ministers of finance attended their posts. In France, there were 2 prime ministers, 1 interior minister, 5 foreign ministers, 5 military ministers, 3 naval ministers, 2 finance ministers.

The Russian Empire as a whole did not stand out from this trend. Only heads of government and ministers of internal affairs changed somewhat more often.

2. During the war years, Russia's management system was completely updated.

The scale of renewal of the state apparatus in Russia during the war years was significant. There were about 300 major personnel changes. But it is nevertheless not possible to talk about a complete shake-up of the bureaucracy.

Thus, the following departments have not undergone a single major change: the State Chancellery, the State Secretariat of the Grand Duchy of Finland, the Ministry of the Imperial Household, the Department of Institutions of Empress Maria, His Majesty’s Own Chancellery and the Main Directorate of State Health Care.

Some other ministries and departments were affected by personnel changes to a minor extent. They practically did not affect departments that were so important for wartime as the ministries of finance, trade and industry, communications, military and naval, and state control.

The most significant changes occurred during the war years in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The apparatus of this ministry underwent about 90 personal changes and left all other ministries far behind. In addition to 6 ministers, during two and a half years of war, the Ministry of Internal Affairs was replaced by 15 comrade ministers, 4 directors of the Police Department, 4 directors of the Department of General Affairs, 4 heads of the Main Directorate for Press Affairs, 3 chairmen of the Veterinary Committee, 3 managers of the Zemstvo Department, 3 directors of the Department spiritual affairs of foreign denominations, 2 chairmen of the medical council, 2 heads of the department for local economic affairs, 2 heads of the department of military service, etc.

Chronologically, the “ministerial leapfrog” is also uneven. About half of all major changes date back to 1916. In November of this year, there were 23 changes and 12 appointments. At the same time, 8 significant personnel changes occurred on the first day of the month - November 1, 1916.

3. All appointments took place on the orders of Rasputin and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna

Both contemporaries and Soviet historians were inclined to absolutize the influence of the “elder” Grigory Rasputin and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna on the policy of appointments to government posts. This confirmed the thesis about the “rotten” management system of the Russian Empire, where personal factor played a decisive role in matters of national importance.

However, modern historians, having carefully analyzed the reasons for the personnel shuffling of the “ministerial leapfrog”, came to the conclusion that Alexandra Feodorovna basically only approved the already proposed options and her position was not decisive in the vast majority of personnel appointments.

So, according to the Russian historian F. Gaida, judging by the personal correspondence of the emperor and empress in June 1915-November 1916. she insisted on the resignation of 12 members of the Council of Ministers, however, given the context of events, there is no reason to believe that her vote was decisive. At the same time, in August 1915-December 1916. The empress advocated the appointment of 14 candidates for various government posts, 8 of whom were appointed. In all cases of appointments, Alexandra Fedorovna advocated for candidates previously initiated by other persons.

The personnel policy of the “ministerial leapfrog” operated based on two strategies:

1. Decision on personnel appointment came from the prime minister or the informal government leader standing behind him. In the case of the War Ministry, personnel initiatives came from Nicholas II himself.

2. Outgoing ministers nominated their own candidate to replace them. At the same time, the resignations themselves, as a rule, occurred at the request of the official himself (although here there are very clear exceptions)

Thus, all personnel chaos was provoked by the general logic of the functioning of the state apparatus in extreme conditions war.

The “ministerial leapfrog” certainly made life more difficult Russian society during the First World War. Numerous personnel changes failed to form an effective team in government that could cope with the diversity of tasks. None of the senior officials fully corresponded to the spirit of the times, which required decisive action. This made revolutionary change almost inevitable.

"Establishment of Soviet power" - Civil War. Adoption of decrees. Establishment Soviet power. Main events. Peace of Brest-Litovsk. Constituent Assembly. Conditions. End of the war with Poland. Bolsheviks. The policy of "war communism". Uprising in Kronstadt. White strikes different directions. 2nd Congress of Soviets. Establishment of Soviet power in Central Asia.

“Revolution of 1917 in Russia” - In the Tauride Palace on February 27, 1917. Petrograd Soviet Soldiers' and workers' deputies February 27, 1917 Members of the first Provisional Government of Russia. The February events - a historical pattern, a tragic accident or a conspiracy against Russia and the monarchy? Abdication of Nicholas II from the throne on March 2, 1917

“Vladimir Ilyich Lenin” - Monuments to Lenin have become an integral part of the Soviet tradition of monumental art. Start revolutionary activities. April 10 (22), 1870, Simbirsk - January 21, 1924, Gorki estate, Moscow province. All those arrested were expelled from the university and sent to their “homeland.” Leading German specialists in nervous diseases were called in for treatment.

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When Russian President Boris Yeltsin dismissed the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin. Some believe that the reason for the resignation was that Yeltsin had already begun to think about resigning and began to look for a successor.

Sergey Kiriyenko

Evgeny Primakov

Then Yevgeny Primakov was appointed as the new prime minister, who, it must be said, overcame the most severe consequences of the default. The real sector of the economy has begun to grow in Russia. But the president dismissed Primakov's government in May 1999. This happened as a result of the conflict between Primakov and Yeltsin and the behind-the-scenes political struggle in the Russian leadership.

Sergey Stepashin

Instead of Primakov, Sergei Stepashin became prime minister. His government is considered the shortest - it lasted only 3 months. At that time, Operation Successor began, and Yeltsin chose Vladimir Putin, who at that time was the director of the FSB. In August, Stepashin’s government was dismissed.

Vladimir Putin

The last of the leapfrog of prime ministers was Vladimir Putin, who within a month won the trust of Russians with his actions in Chechnya and Dagestan. According to polls, in December 1999, 85% of Russians were ready to vote for Putin.

The end of the leapfrog

The ministerial leapfrog ended on December 31, 1999, with Yeltsin’s resignation. By decree of the new President Vladimir Putin, Mikhail Kasyanov became Prime Minister.

List of prime ministers

• March-August 1998 - Sergey Kiriyenko
• August 1998 - May 1999 - Evgeny Primakov
• May-August 1999 - Sergey Stepashin
• August-December 1999 - Vladimir Putin

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