The Kremlin has agreed on the candidacy of a new governor of the Chelyabinsk region: the Southern Urals can be headed by a woman for the first time. Transbaikalia is tackling the federal task of easing pension reform

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December 22, 2017

Insertion result

According to latest rating Petersburg Politics Foundation, the Chelyabinsk region is among the regions with the lowest socio-political stability. The region led by Boris Dubrovsky was included in the top 7 outsiders, and the sustainability index was 4.8 points.

Searches and seizure of documents in the administration of Zlatoust in a criminal case of sale land plot in the national park

Identification by the prosecutor's office of ineffective spending of funds from the regional venture fund, half of which, instead of supporting businesses, ended up in the accounts of Peresvet Bank

Beginning of the bankruptcy procedure of the Chelyabinsk Bus Transport enterprise

Action of residents of the village of Rosa, who brought a petition to the regional administration demanding relocation from the dangerous zone near the Korkinsky coal mine and a child’s coffin

Declaration of a hunger strike by former workers of Kopeisk utility companies due to non-payment of wages and dismissal benefits

Experts paid special attention to the primaries “ United Russia" In the Chelyabinsk region, the results of the preliminary voting stimulated inter-elite contradictions. At the same time, the greatest headache Mikhail Yurevich represents the authorities.

Experts have already announced that Yurevich will once again be able to sit out in the State Duma from opposition party, and then even try his hand at the gubernatorial elections.

In part, the situation with Dubrovsky is very reminiscent of the Sverdlovsk region - the governors of both regions are in difficult political conflict. Although in the Sverdlovsk region the conflict passed into a latent form, this did not change the nature of things. Worse, just like in the Sverdlovsk region, the Chelyabinsk governor cannot cope with his own officials; in particular, does not control the financial situation.

The region's budget deficit for 2016 is 11.8 billion rubles. The region's public debt is at the level of 40 billion rubles. In the Sverdlovsk region, after the State Debt exceeded this mark, it began to increase at an even faster rate. The situation with regional debts may get out of control.

Influential enemy

A little over a year ago, some “high-ranking sources in the federal government” broadcast information that Boris Dubrovsky would soon be replaced. The source of these rumors was called the Minister of Industry of the Russian Federation Denis Manturov. The latter felt in Dubrovsky a hardware rival vying for his post, which is why he began a hardware conflict against Dubrovsky.

Judging by how the information background around the governor of the Southern Urals is developing during last year The information attack was not in vain.

Manturov’s activity led to the fact that by the time of the primaries in Moscow and the Chelyabinsk region, a strong opinion had formed about the weakness of Dubrovsky’s figure. All this led to the fact that representatives of the local elite stopped focusing on the governor. Sensing the governor’s weakness, Mikhail Yurevich immediately began holding secret meetings of members of Dubrovsky’s cabinet.

All these rumors led to the fact that the security forces began to take an active interest in Dubrovsky himself. The consequence of the interest of the security forces was that in April 2015, the head of the Kunashaksky district in the Chelyabinsk region, Vadim Zakirov (an active associate of the regional governor Boris Dubrovsky), was arrested by law enforcement agencies for abuse of official powers (Article 285 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation).

Last year, searches took place in the Magnitogorsk mayor's office. They say that Dubrovsky’s close connection with the Magnitogorsk family began to break down at this very moment. After searches at the mayor's office, the governor's relationship with MMK began to deteriorate and he lost another patron.

Not only the rigging of primaries

In addition to the scandals in the primaries, which the St. Petersburg Politics Foundation wrote about, the scandal started by Nikolai Sandakov continues to smolder in the Chelyabinsk region. According to his information, a number of violations were committed during the 2011 and 2012 elections in the Chelyabinsk region.

According to Sandakov’s certificate, at least 19 state and municipal employees illegally used their powers to campaign in support of United Russia in the State Duma elections. Also, according to Sandakov, the results of the regional stage of the elections were falsified.

The funny thing about this is that, in fact, such violations are allowed in almost all regions, but it was Dubrovsky who was called “unlucky” - it was decided to test out such accusations against him. This is precisely what State Duma deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Rashnikov and Obukhov latched on to, who asked the prosecutor’s office to check this information.

However, it is unlikely that this scandal will have any consequences other than image ones - the authorities are not interested in punishing officials for election violations; especially if they were directed in the interests of this government.

In this regard, the situation with the primaries is only confirmation that Moscow will continue to turn a blind eye to possible violations at the elections.

Everything is in a heap. Scandal after scandal.

The general news background around Dubrovsky’s figure clearly indicates that he is “not up to the task.”

It’s also worth adding scandals with offshore companies and the son’s assets; which were transferred to Dubrovsky for management. It’s also worth adding the personal income of Dubovsky himself, who turned out to be one of the most expensive “managers” in Russia.

Here is a story from a deputy governor who demanded an elite car for his boss.

Separately, it is worth noting the conflict with journalists, when in 2014 a case was opened against the editor of the Chelnovosti website, Igor Makarov, under the article “Commercial bribery involving extortion of the subject of bribery.” It was Makarov who often wrote a lot about corruption and the connections of the current governor Boris Dubrovsky with the management of the Magnitogorsk Iron and Steel Works.

But the most important problem, which perhaps serves as the root cause for such inaction of the governor, is his state of health. Rumors whisper either about oncology, or about alcohol addiction, or about other problems of the first person.

It should be understood that rumors about health problems and addictions of the first person are always a convenient reason for resignation of one’s own free will. In this case, the “force option” is excluded, and gossip about personal problems is a very convenient tool and reason for personal protection.

According to Ustav.com sources, the elites of the Chelyabinsk region are already discussing an option in which Dubrovsky will leave his chair in June 2016, or no later than two months before the State Duma elections. However, other experts indicate that the resignation will take place immediately after the September elections.

Dubrovsky's departure will be convenient because it is precisely on former governor it will be possible to be held responsible for the results of the elections (regardless of what those results will be). In addition, Dubrovsky’s departure will just clear the way for the new governor to upcoming elections president, which will consolidate the forces of local elites.

According to sources close to the Presidential Administration, there will be a change of governor in the Southern Urals in the near future. The long-awaited resignation of Boris Dubrovsky will most likely take place immediately after the May holidays or in a few weeks.

Over the past six months, the issue of the resignation of the South Ural governor has been raised more than once. Twice the owner of MMK, Viktor Rashnikov, managed to defend Dubrovsky in the Kremlin, but the limit of trust in the “Magnitogorsk team”, it seems, has already been completely exhausted at the top.

The “gubernatorial purges” that began this year and are associated by political scientists with the pre-election situation have sharpened the issue of Boris Dubrovsky, who has a high anti-rating, being in the governor’s chair. Political failures in Chesma, Techensky and Bobrovsky settlements, “seething” in Kopeisk demonstrated Dubrovsky’s inability to manage the situation. At the meetings it became clearly visible that... Dubrovsky himself, it seems, has already given up on everything, that in Lately clearly demonstrated both it and .

The resignation of the governor is being actively discussed among the political and economic elite of the Southern Urals. And now, finally, this widely expected (if not to put it more harshly, long-awaited) resignation of Dubrovsky received confirmation from sources in the Presidential Administration.

In all likelihood, a change of power in the Southern Urals will occur in the coming weeks.

Who will be the new governor?

Naturally, the resignation of Boris Dubrovsky brings to the fore the question of his successor as governor. On this moment, as Russian Press learned from sources from the federal center, there are two main and two possible candidates for the role of acting governor of the Chelyabinsk region (and also, subsequently, a potential governor).

According to our information, a careful selection of candidates in the Presidential Administration has identified the two most likely people capable of taking the chair of the head of the Southern Urals - Irina Gekht and Sergei Nosov. By the way, these candidates were positioned as the most likely successors to Dubrovsky last year, when the first threat of resignation arose (which Dubrovsky managed to avoid thanks to personal negotiations between the owner of MMK Viktor Rashnikov and the President).

State Duma deputy Vladimir Burmatov (creature of State Duma Chairman Vyacheslav Volodin) and “silovik” Mikhail Grishankov are also being named as possible candidates on the political sidelines.

Irina Gekht

Irina Gekht is an experienced politician, supported, according to sources, personally by the Speaker of the Federation Council Valentina Matvienko. Hecht’s managerial qualities are rated quite highly: she has a complete understanding of the social sphere of the Chelyabinsk region.

As a politician, Irina Gekht has proven herself well in the elections various levels, quite successfully conducting their own election campaigns. Work experience on federal level, which she purchased in upper house parliament would no doubt be useful. Hecht has good connections in high circles legislative branch, enjoys great respect among colleagues in the Federation Council.

Irina Gekht’s position is very strong, the chances of taking the governor’s chair are quite high, especially considering the possible lobbying of this candidacy by the Speaker of the Federation Council. It would not be out of place to add here that Matvienko has recently strengthened her political positions, which is noticeable against the background of the Kremlin’s decreased trust in the State Duma and Speaker Vyacheslav Volodin. So the help of such a strong lobbyist really seriously increases Irina Gekht’s chances.

Information from Russian Press:Irina Alfredovna Gekht was born in 1969 in the Kurgan region, the city of Shchuchye. She graduated from school in the city of Raduzhny, Khanty-Mansiysk, with a gold medal. Autonomous Okrug, received the title of city champion in ballroom dancing. In 1992 she graduated from the Faculty of History of Chelyabinsk State University, and in 1998 – graduate school. In 2009 she received the title of Candidate of Pedagogical Sciences. He is an associate professor at the Department of Social Work at ChelSU.

She entered politics in the early 2000s, working on social issues. In 2010 she became first deputy minister social relations Chelyabinsk region, and in 2011 she headed this ministry. In 2013, she became Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Chelyabinsk Region for Social Issues. With the arrival of Boris Dubrovsky, Irina Gekht was appointed a member of the Federation Council from the Chelyabinsk region. Currently he holds the position of Deputy Chairman of the Federation Council Committee on Agricultural and Food Policy and Environmental Management, and is a member of the Federation Council Committee on Social Policy.

Irina Gekht is an active state councilor of the Chelyabinsk region, 3rd class, and a member of the Presidium of the Chelyabinsk Regional Political Council of the United Russia party.

Sergey Nosov

Sergey Nosov is a powerful manager with extensive experience in managing industrial enterprises and industrial assets. Nosov went through an excellent municipal school in one of the key municipalities of the Middle Urals, being the current head of Nizhny Tagil, the city in which one of the key defense enterprises of the Rostec state corporation is located: UralVagonZavod.

As a politician, Sergei Nosov demonstrated his talents by being elected in direct elections in Nizhny Tagil with a trust rating of 92%, which is unprecedented for municipal elections. The level of trust in Nosov among the population and elites is very high. But also higher value for Nosov's political career he has the confidence of the President.

Nizhny Tagil is unofficially called Putingrad for the special attitude of President Vladimir Putin towards this city. He personally patronizes the development of this municipal entity, and the head of Nizhny Tagil is vested with special status: It is impossible to become the head of this city without the consent of the Presidential Administration.

Thus, Sergei Nosov is a “handshake person” both for Vladimir Putin and for one of the President’s closest associates and one of the country’s main lobbyists - the head of the Rostec corporation Sergei Chemezov. Sergei Nosov has established good working contact with Chemezov. The head of Rostec may well act as his lobbyist for the post of governor of the Chelyabinsk region, which makes the assumption of Nosov’s future governorship quite realistic.

Information from Russian Press:Sergei Nosov was born on February 17, 1961 in the city of Magnitogorsk, Chelyabinsk region. He is a hereditary metallurgist, heir to a professional Ural dynasty. His grandfather, Grigory Nosov, headed the Magnitogorsk Iron and Steel Works in the 1940s. It is in honor of Nosov’s grandfather that the main university of Magnitogorsk is named – Magnitogorsk State Technical University. G.I. Nosova.

Sergey Nosov continued family path, graduating with honors from the Magnitogorsk Mining and Metallurgical Institute. Subsequently received the title of Doctor of Technical Sciences. He began his career at MMK, where he rose to the position of deputy general director of the plant for production and investment. In the late 1990s, he was considered as a contender for the post general director MMK. The media associate Nosov’s departure from the enterprise in 1998 with a conflict with the team of the current general director of MMK, Viktor Rashnikov.

In 1998, Nosov moved to the Sverdlovsk region, to Nizhny Tagil, where he achieved career heights at Nizhny Tagil Metallurgical Plant OJSC, becoming the general director of the enterprise. In the 2000s, he held a number of major management positions at OJSC Nizhny Tagil Metallurgical Plant, West Siberian Metallurgical Plant (Novokuznetsk), Directorate of the NTMK Industrial Site, EvrazHolding LLC, Tagilbank OJSC, Vysokogorsky Mining and Processing Plant OJSC, OJSC Seversky Pipe Plant", FSUE "ROSOBORONEXPORT" (Moscow), CJSC "RusSpetsStal" (Moscow).

In parallel with his managerial activities, Sergei Nosov developed political career, being a member of United Russia. From July to October 2012 he served as vice-governor of the Sverdlovsk region. Since October 14, 2012 - head of Nizhny Tagil.

He has a number of awards and orders, including the Order of Honor, the medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree.

Possible candidates

Despite the confident positions of Irina Gekht and Sergei Nosov, in political elite The possibility of appointing two more possible candidates to the post of governor of the Chelyabinsk region is also being discussed - Vladimir Burmatov and Mikhail Grishankov. It should be noted that they are discussed with concerns.

Vladimir Burmatov

Vladimir Burmatov is a young politician who already has quite a scandalous reputation. A native of the Young Guard, State Duma deputy. He himself has no weight as a political figure, but Vyacheslav Volodin acts as his lobbyist.

Recently, several information “stuffing” have been recorded in the Southern Urals, in which Burmatov, despite the lack of information about the discussion of his candidacy in the Presidential Administration, was positioned as a possible governor of the Chelyabinsk region. However, it should be noted that in last weeks the position of his patron, Vyacheslav Volodin, was seriously shaken. Judging by a number of facts, the President’s trust in the Speaker of the State Duma. Appeared in the media. It has become noticeable that the State Duma as a whole is losing influence, while the Federation Council, headed by Valentina Matvienko, is increasing it. In this situation, Burmatov's chances are very doubtful.

However, if we assume the possibility of Vladimir Burmatov coming to power in the Southern Urals, the prospects are catastrophic. Burmatov - complete absence managerial experience, but an extremely scandalous political reputation. If he comes to power, we can confidently predict.

It is already clear by what methods Burmatov’s friends “solve problems” - in particular, Chelyabinsk City Duma deputy Alexander Galkin, . It can be assumed that such methods of “management” under Burmatov’s governorship will acquire many times greater scope. There are fears, for example, that another friend of Burmatov, the self-proclaimed utility ombudsman, deputy of the Legislative Assembly Anatoly Vershinin, will take an active role in the redistribution of the utility business.

However, the “war” for parking lots, which was organized by Chelyabinsk City Duma deputy Alexander Galkin, significantly undermined Burmatov’s position, lowering his rating. For Chelyabinsk business, Burmatov is an absolutely unshakable figure. And among the political elite she is openly despised.

Mikhail Grishankov

Mikhail Grishankov is a deputy of the State Duma, a native of the regional department of the FSB in the Chelyabinsk region. He is respected in law enforcement agencies and is familiar with regional elites. Although Grishankov has lived in Moscow since 2011, he has maintained connections in the Southern Urals and an understanding of the local situation. And as one of the TOP managers of Gazprombank, Grishankov also has solid federal connections.

Although Grishankov’s chances are not as high as those of Sergei Nosov or Irina Gekht, his positioning as a possible governor of the Southern Urals has a certain basis. According to our sources, he was repeatedly included in the short list of the Presidential Administration for possible consideration as governor of the Chelyabinsk region. Grishankov’s lobbyist can be security forces and federal structures.

If Mikhail Grishankov’s political bet plays out, the consequences for the political and business elite of the Southern Urals will be ambiguous. There is a high probability of increased influence in the field of law enforcement agencies and, quite possibly, “werewolves in uniform” - which will make one remember the departed. Who, by the way, also planned to run for the post of governor.

"A dark horse"

A personnel surprise in the style of Vladimir Putin is also possible - the arrival of a candidate who has absolutely no connections in the Chelyabinsk region to the governor’s seat. There are such examples: for example, among the recent directions of “dark horses” one can name the appointments of Andrei Nikitin to the post of governor of the Novgorod region, Alexander Brechalov to the post of head of Udmurtia, Anton Alikhanov to the Kaliningrad region, Nikolai Lyubimov to the Ryazan region. The option of a “surprise” on the part of the President should also not be discounted.

The legacy of Boris Dubrovsky

Whoever comes to power in the Southern Urals after Boris Dubrovsky will inherit a very neglected economy. Dubrovsky's governorship was marked by a strong decline in the economy and the cultivation of a number of municipal problems, which is associated with illiterate, unreasonable, and sometimes downright inadequate managerial and political decisions of the “Magnitogorsk protege.”

Government reform and expulsion of competent leaders

In an attempt to improve work, Boris Dubrovsky changed the management team and government structure three times since January 15, 2014. The first change occurred immediately after his arrival to the post of acting governor of the Chelyabinsk region. From the top leadership of the regional government, Deputy Governor Sergei Buinovsky, three vice-premiers of the government of the Chelyabinsk region (Igor Murog, Vladimir Pavlenkov, Maxim Osipenko) and a number of ministers were dismissed. Dubrovsky got rid of people who worked with his predecessor, Mikhail Yurevich.

The second change in the leadership of the region occurred after the inauguration of Boris Dubrovsky. Having become the full-fledged governor of the Southern Urals on September 14, 2014, Dubrovsky radically changed the structure of the regional leadership, carrying out a fairly large-scale management reform. It consisted of combining the functions of the head of the regional government and the governor himself.

This reform was a serious mistake by Boris Dubrovsky. The essence of the reform boiled down to the elimination of the post of head of the government of the Chelyabinsk region Sergei Komyakov and his removal from serious work. A strong, experienced manager, Komyakov became the formal first vice-governor, left with virtually no powers - only Sergei Shal and the minister were subordinate to him Agriculture Sergey Sushkov. The regional government was headed personally by Governor Boris Dubrovsky.

Apparently, Dubrovsky saw a rival in the person of regional prime minister Sergei Komyakov. The newly-minted governor decided to strengthen his authority by personally taking control of the work of the regional government. Alas, this decision reflected the “factory” scale of Boris Dubrovsky’s management strategy. He approached the management of an entire region from the position of a director of an enterprise, and not a politician with a global vision of problems.

The separation of functions of the governor and the government has worked well both at the level of various regions of Russia and at the federal level. It’s no secret that the prime minister takes on the role of a “lightning rod” in this scheme. If there is a negative attitude in society towards specific management decisions, the main negative is concentrated on executive officials, personified by the prime minister, while the head of the country (or region) maintains his rating positions. But Boris Dubrovsky did not take this into account, and as a result, all management failures in the Southern Urals are now directly associated with the person of the governor.

Dubrovsky’s obvious mistake was also tightening all the controls over the region. The governor clearly did not take into account that he was faced with tasks that were by no means of a workshop or even a factory scale. Lacking the necessary management experience even at the municipal level, Dubrovsky tried to take control not only global governance region, but also solving private performance problems. This turned out to be beyond his power. The inappropriateness of such an approach was combined with Dubrovsky’s managerial weakness and was complemented by the dispersal of the old team.

Having organized a “cleansing” of the regional administration from “Yurevich’s people” after the inauguration, Dubrovsky, in particular, “removed” Deputy Prime Minister Ivan Fyoklin and Alexei Loshkin, who at that time was in charge of the Ministry of Economy, Industry, Agriculture and the Main Control Directorate.

In fact, Dubrovsky kicked out the government and Deputy Prime Minister Irina Gekht, who successfully supervised social sphere. Hecht, being a strong and competent manager, confidently solved problems regional ministries health care, social relations, education and science. But Vice-Governor Evgeny Redin, who oversaw two social vice-premiers - Vadim Evdokimov and Irina Gekht, often entered into disputes with Gekht over various issues without proper competence. In this confrontation, Dubrovsky decided to bet on Evgeniy Redin. Dubrovsky made this decision, quite possibly, intending to use the budget funds of the ministries under her control without interference, together with the faithful Redin.

Irina Gekht was formally removed and promoted to the Federation Council. The region has lost another competent leader. Evgeniy Redin’s competencies, alas, cannot be criticized.

The results of Boris Dubrovsky’s personnel decisions are obvious: he never managed to create an adequately functioning team, and attempts to take over the functions of executive officials and personally control the work of the government failed.

The third change in management strategy finally deprived the region of hopes for adequate leadership. During the next upheavals, the governor’s administration was liquidated as a government body and legal structure. The fallacy of this decision is evidenced by the fact that out of 85 constituent entities in the Russian Federation, less than ten supported this scheme. The nearest neighbor who also implemented this scheme is Kurgan region. It is significant that both the Kurgan and Chelyabinsk regions eventually fell sharply in federal rankings and found themselves among the regions with reduced social stability.

Evgeny Teftelev and the degradation of the regional center

One of the most high-profile personnel changes – the change of head of Chelyabinsk – requires special mention. This personnel decision became a real disaster, entirely on the conscience of Boris Dubrovsky. The arrival of Magnitogorsk resident Evgeniy Teftelev in place of Sergei Davydov is a huge failure personnel policy governor. Nobody argues, and under Davydov there were problems in Chelyabinsk. But no one could have imagined how much degradation the capital of the Southern Urals would undergo under Evgeniy Teftelev!

Memes such as “meatball heaps” and “meatball porridge” have entered the everyday life of Chelyabinsk residents. Environmental and traffic problems have worsened, and the lobbying by the mayor and governor of the interests of the new monopolist, Yuzhuralmost, has reached a level of prohibitive impudence.

We can talk for a long time about the collapse that overtook Chelyabinsk under the new mayor, but this is unnecessary - the results of Evgeny Teftelev’s “work” are already visible to the naked eye. Suffice it to recall that Sergey Davydov was daily engaged in touring the districts of Chelyabinsk and solving current problems. Teftelev doesn’t travel around the city. The new mayor of Chelyabinsk became the head of the parquet office - by the way, just like his deputies. Looking at Teftelev, they relaxed and stopped touring their territories and district heads.

Boris Dubrovsky himself also felt the results of the activities (or rather, inactivity) of his protege. “Magnitogorsk comrade,” who, theoretically, was supposed to become the governor’s support in the regional center, in reality

Economic collapse

The reform efforts of Boris Dubrovsky had a serious impact on the economic condition of the Southern Urals. Dubrovsky was the first of four governors of the Chelyabinsk region to abolish the Ministry of Industry as an independent unit - and this in an industrially developed region! As a result, today industrialists in the regional government have no one to talk to and nothing to talk about, which, of course, has become one of the key reasons for the sharp decline in the economy and industry in the Southern Urals.

During the governorship of Boris Dubrovsky, the Chelyabinsk region became one of the leaders in Russia in the number of defrauded shareholders and those liquidated as a result of bankruptcy construction companies. This anti-leadership was the result of the degradation of the construction cluster, which in previous years developed thanks to the constant support of governors Pyotr Sumin and Mikhail Yurevich. Under Dubrovsky, who is only interested in construction projects from which businesses affiliated with him can make money, the construction sector has found itself among the economic outsiders.

Things are going well only for companies controlled by Boris Dubrovsky. This is, in particular, YU KZhSI, headed by Dubrovsky’s long-term business partner Natalya Saleeva. The governor recently vested this company with super powers, making it the operator of all construction programs in the region. Magnitostroy-Greenflight, headed by a friend of the governor Oleg Laknitsky, is not complaining either. And, of course, Sinai Group, managed by a deputy, is doing great Legislative Assembly Chelyabinsk region Vladimir Ushakov and belonging personally to the governor.

Political failures

The destabilization of the political situation in the Southern Urals is another clear failure of Boris Dubrovsky. Trying to bring municipalities under control, he eliminated the institution of direct elections of heads of cities and districts throughout the Chelyabinsk region (with the exception of two rural settlements). The consequence of this policy was the rise to local leadership of ineffective heads who were uncontrollable by the population and not recognized by the same population.

The reform of local self-government was also unsuccessful. This project was proposed at the federal level, and Boris Dubrovsky hastened to intercept it, making the Chelyabinsk region a pilot region. It would have been wiser to wait for the results of the reform in other regions, but Dubrovsky decided to earn political points by intercepting the current agenda. But the tactical victory turned into a strategic failure. The reform was a complete failure.

During this reform, the governor deprived Chelyabinsk residents of the right to elect deputies to the city duma. Instead of directly electing city deputies, the population began to elect district deputies. A two-stage election system arose, as a result of which City Duma deputies began to be elected not by the people, but by district deputies, who, in agreement with the governor, his political deputy and the regional chairman of the United Russia party delegate “worthy” and extremely loyal to City Duma Chelyabinsk. In this situation, the business elite also became more active, conducting their representatives through district deputies.

As a result, the quality of the city deputies became the worst in the entire history of the Chelyabinsk City Duma. The City Duma is now almost entirely “staffed” by businessmen, and this, in turn, has given rise to a series of business scandals - just remember the “war” for parking lots initiated by City Duma deputy Alexander Galkin. Due to business scandals, either with parking lots or with kiosks, the city is constantly on the negative information agenda.

The commercial interests of deputies also led to the rapid degradation of city government and infrastructure:

— Such municipal unitary enterprises (MUPs) as ChKTS (Chelyabinsk Communal Heating Networks), CHAT (Chelyabinsk Bus Transport), GET (City Electric Transport) were liquidated.

— Due to the liquidation of the MUP DRSU (Road Repair and Construction Department), as well as the bankruptcy of local DRSU in the region, the maintenance and cleaning of Chelyabinsk, as well as the repair of roadways in the region, were outsourced to the Magnitogorsk company Yuzhuralavtoban-Yuzhuralmost, about “quality ” whose works regularly post observations of indignant residents on social networks and YouTube.

— One of the key and so far insoluble problems is waste removal in the regional center - there are no prospects for the construction of a solid waste (solid waste) landfill household waste), no understanding of what to do with the existing landfill.

— Scandalous preparations are underway for the concession agreement of MUP POVV (Production Association of Water Supply and Sanitation), which should go to Rossetti, a structure controlled by the owner of Alfa-Bank Mikhail Fridman, which will inevitably lead to an increase in tariffs for the population, as has already happened in Tyumen.

The very idea of ​​electing district deputies in order for the people’s representatives to become “closer to the people” did not justify itself at all. Firstly, as opinion polls show, the majority of Chelyabinsk residents do not know who their deputies are. Secondly, district deputies do not have the financial resources to perform at least some useful functions. Deputies are in no hurry to invest their money in solving local problems - be it replacing a lamppost or installing benches. But the city budget does not give them money for this.

On the one hand, this is logical: there is no point in creating another bureaucratic structure that will “leech” onto the budget. On the other hand, without financial resources, district parliament turns into a mere formality.

Dubrovsky should first analyze the experience of the pilot regions, and then think about how to implement this project. In fact, other, wiser regional heads analyzed the failed experience of the Chelyabinsk region.

The list of Boris Dubrovsky’s “achievements” can be continued indefinitely. We have touched upon only the visible part of this iceberg, but the above facts clearly demonstrate the level of degradation of the Chelyabinsk region, which was a direct result of the managerial incompetence and political shortsightedness of Governor Dubrovsky.

Everything that Boris Dubrovsky did in three years led to a complete loss of respect and trust in him among the population of the Chelyabinsk region. An indicator of the disappointment of the South Urals residents was collapse of the governor's rating from the original 86% to the current 20 - 25%. This, in turn, led to a significant decrease in the rating of the United Russia party as the party in power, which could not be ignored federal center. The most important thing is that such regional cataclysms lead to a decrease in the rating of head of state Vladimir Putin, and in a pre-election year this is completely unacceptable.

As shown by the elections in State Duma VII convocation, held in September 2016, the indicators of United Russia in the Southern Urals were 16% lower than the Russian average. There is a danger of a similar “subsidence” in presidential elections, after all, it was Vladimir Putin who delegated Dubrovsky to the Chelyabinsk region, and therefore the governor is associated as a protege of the President.

Finally, a key event showing the level of discontent, distrust and protest towards the current government was the arrival of oppositionist Alexei Navalny to Chelyabinsk on April 15, 2017, who opened a headquarters in the Southern Urals. Support for the oppositionist in the region turned out to be dangerously wide - at the time of the opening of his office, over 2,000 volunteers were already registered. Navalny himself called Chelyabinsk the fourth city in the country in terms of the number of his supporters.

All this could not go unnoticed by the federal center, so it does not cause any surprise and the idea of ​​the need for an early change of governor on the eve of the country’s main elections, which will determine the vector of its development for the next six years, seems quite logical.

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Will the governor of the Chelyabinsk region face resignation and an investigation into his activities?

Information has emerged that there are already three candidates vying for the post of head of the region. Among them are Deputy Governor Ruslan Gattarov, First Deputy Head of the region Evgeny Redin and Federation Council member Irina Gekht, who is supported by Federation Council Chairman Valentina Matvienko.

Dubrovsky is trying to save the situation and increase his influence over the disgruntled elite. To do this, the politician is trying to appoint the ex-vice-governor, and now the head of Traktor Holding Company, Ivan Senichev, as speaker of the regional Legislative Assembly. In the region alone, Senichev has long been considered a man of dubious reputation.

Is Dubrovsky flying with Senichev?

Ivan Senichev was dismissed after threatening to destroy the business of the Python company, which refused to part with two elite foreign cars for free. First, the subordinate heads of the region prepared a tender for the purchase of new cars. Dubrovsky wants to drive Cadillac Escalade SUVs, despite the fact that he owns two luxury Range Rover SUVs.

Instead of a small penalty for terminating the Range Rover leasing, the employees wanted to simply seize the cars from the Python private security company. In response to the refusal to hand over expensive foreign cars to the regional administration, official Senichev promised to torture the company with constant checks and survive from Chelyabinsk!

Let us recall that at the beginning of 2015, the security company and the regional administration entered into an agreement, according to which the private security company was supposed to not only protect the governor, but also provide elite transport.

Mr. Dubrovsky cannot travel in business class, he needs luxury cars! 22 million rubles were allocated from the regional budget to pay for these services for the year!!!

The officials chose two British Range Rovers worth nine million rubles each as their official cars. But Dubrovsky doesn’t like British jeeps. The security company registered both cars in its name and leased them, paying 365 thousand rubles a month. At the time of writing this material, Python has already paid more than four million rubles!

But Dubrovsky wanted to update the vehicle fleet, and in September 2015, Vice-Governor Senichev contacted the head of Python, proposing a different work scheme.

“You give us the cars, and we pay the further lease ourselves. If not, then we are your company x…. ( obscene expression) We will buy cars like this for ourselves. Only you won't be here anymore. You will no longer be in Chelyabinsk for all types of activities. I will involve all my friends from the FSB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. We will start creating problems for each other. You give me problems, where to buy new cars, and I’ll give you a counter check,” Senichev promised.

Instead of the 22 million rubles promised under the contract, Kalugin’s private security company received only 12. Senichev made a recalculation taking into account the hours actually spent on protecting the head of the region until October 1 of this year.

Soon after this, Senichev was fired. Senichev acquired the “fame” of a politician who used “gangster” measures in the interests of Dubrovsky. So parliament will not approve such a person.

Dubrovsky - that's it?

Let us note that the Chelyabinsk region, led by Boris Dubrovsky, was among the regions with the lowest socio-political stability. The rating based on the results of May was compiled by the authoritative St. Petersburg Politics Foundation. Southern Urals included in the top 7 outsiders. The sustainability index was 4.8 points.

Searches in the administration of Zlatoust in the case of the sale of land in the national park, the identification by the prosecutor's office of ineffective spending of venture capital funds and the beginning of bankruptcy proceedings for the Chelyabinsk Bus Transport enterprise played a role.

Negative events were a petition from residents of the village of Rosa demanding that people be resettled from the danger zone and a hunger strike by utility workers in Kopeisk. But experts called the United Russia primaries the main event of May. In the Chelyabinsk region, the results of the preliminary voting stimulated inter-elite contradictions or caused public criticism due to the fact that Mikhail Yurevich, who withdrew from the primaries, subsequently announced the possibility of independent nomination to the State Duma, including from systemic opposition parties.

“In 2015, Boris Dubrovsky faced serious political challenges and personnel losses,” Chelyabinsk political scientist Alexander Melnikov previously said. The economy is also barely holding on thanks to federal subsidies. The region's budget deficit for this year is 11.8 billion rubles. The national debt amounts to an astronomical 40 billion rubles.

Is the auditor coming to see Dubrovsky?

Let us remind you that State Duma deputies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Valery Rashkin and Sergei Obukhov have already contacted General Prosecutor's Office with a request to verify the information published former lieutenant governor Chelyabinsk region Nikolay Sandakov, about illegal financing of the United Russia campaign to the State Duma in 2011 and election fraud.

It says that at least 19 state and municipal employees illegally used their powers to campaign in support of United Russia in the State Duma elections. Also, according to Sandakov, the results of the regional stage of the elections were falsified.

“Sandakov’s note” states that about 2.5 billion rubles were illegally spent on campaigning events in support of United Russia in 2011 and Governor Boris Dubrovsky in the elections of the head of the region in 2014.

It was this situation (with the illegal expenditure of 2.5 billion rubles) that greatly outraged the opposition. Now, if the Prosecutor General's Office reveals that election campaign Dubrovsky was financed illegally, the head of the Chelyabinsk region can expect early resignation.

Lobbyist?

By the way, the Chelyabinsk opposition and social activists fear that Dubrovsky is the governor-lobbyist of Viktor Rashnikov, who owns MMK. After all, the current head worked at the plant all his life, eventually becoming one of the most “expensive” top managers.

Back in 1991, Rashnikov was appointed chief engineer - first deputy general director. Since 1997, Viktor Filippovich headed OJSC MMK as General Director. Since April 2005 - Chairman of the Board of Directors. Since 2006 - President of MMK Management Company LLC.

Letters appeared in a number of media mailbox one of the officials, which talks about the fact of extortion on the part of Governor Boris Dubrovsky and the Sinai group. Interestingly, the immediate circle of the head of the region is being checked for corruption (extortion of funds).

23.05.2017 10:08

According to experts, rumors about the imminent resignation of the governor of the Chelyabinsk region Boris Dubrovsky are a planned information campaign. It was ordered by unscrupulous media representatives of business groups, dissatisfied with the decisions of the head of the region, which were not made in their favor.

Why did the population of the region en masse believe these rumors this time, and is there any real basis for them? These and other questions were discussed by political scientists, journalists, economists, deputies - participants in the political club discussion, next meeting which took place yesterday, May 22, at the Aroma de Cuba club.

As the governor's press secretary noted: Dmitry Fedechkin, the technology of the next information dump on the topic of Dubrovsky’s resignation is not new. For this purpose, they used not the media, but an incomprehensible website that anyone can create on the Internet and publish any information they want on it. The governor's office treats the incident ironically, understanding that the initiators of this action have certain economic interests. The expert specifically focused on the problem of the population’s uncritical attitude towards information sources and a serious reduction in demands on them.

This is a problem that we will have to coexist with. We need to teach people media literacy so that they can work with information. Any leader is constantly being removed, even at the district level. Only earlier grandmothers talked about this on benches, but now the same thing is happening on social networks, - says Fedechkin.

Director of the Chelyabinsk branch of the Russian Academy National economy And civil service, sociologist Sergey Zyryanov emphasized that the reason for another rumor about Dubrovsky’s departure was a series of resignations of leaders of other regions of the country. Some became acting, some left on their own, and some were “left.” According to the sociologist, the decision to resign regional heads could only be made before April - the new head needs time to prepare for the presidential election campaign.

There must be serious reasons for the resignation of a governor. There are no prerequisites for the removal of Boris Dubrovsky. 84.6 percent of the population voted for him - this is a very high figure, - the expert emphasized.

Deputy of the Legislative Assembly of the region Konstantin Zakharov reminded that on last week An Italian journalist launched fake news through social networks about the death of the famous publicist Svetlana Alexievich. His goal was to demonstrate to the world that in the modern media sphere even serious people buy into such pseudo-news news agencies. In the case of Dubrovsky, as Zakharov put it, “home-grown political strategists with reduced social responsibility” worked. The governor is a famous, recognizable person, about whom everyone will talk. And sites duplicate fake information to attract attention.

I see articles like this every week - noted political scientist Andrey Lavrov. – It is known that this is a resource of the former governor Mikhail Yurevich. He strives to show: “Without me everything falls apart, everything is bad!” And behind him there are a bunch of people pursuing their own interests. But there must be compelling reasons for changing the governor before the presidential election. Putin instructed Dubrovsky to stop the conflicts of local elites - they are gone now! There are no social explosions either. Why change the governor?! A consensus has formed in the region, albeit fragile, since there are many groups of elites and it is difficult to reconcile them. But if you put in another leader, then a social explosion can occur.

According to the deputy of the Chelyabinsk City Duma, adviser to the mayor Dmitry Dovzhenko, this time the reaction of area residents to another rumor was too violent.

Everyone knows that this site is a waste tank, this information is not used anywhere, and is usually not paid attention to as not being credible. I would like to understand why this happened now? - asks the expert.

A political scientist tried to give an answer Alexey Slepyshev. He noted that Russia traditionally lacks a culture of political interaction between the governed and the managers. And until it works out, similar situations will be repeated.

We historically lack this culture. All appointments to positions occur behind the scenes. In addition, in Russia there is a serious problem with the legal change of power. This gives rise to such sentiments in society. People subconsciously want a change, because key positions long years occupied by the same individuals. But the situation is objectively changing and requires new people, - The expert explains his point of view.

Director of the newspaper "Evening Chelyabinsk" Sergey Filichkin I was indignant at the very formulation of the question, that the governor could be so easily removed by a decision of a higher authority.

We have an elected governor. He could be voted out of office by voters or lose office if convicted of a crime. We now have no political competition when an opponent publicly declares that the governor is wrong and proposes his own program of action. We have oligarchic competition - who will bring in the most. The oligarchs are behind these rumors! For example, we found out that last week one large energy company ordered a series of negative publications about Dubrovsky. I miss those times when there was healthy political competition. Are you criticizing? Offer something of your own. Don't like Dubrovsky? He can't please everyone. When Dubrovsky became governor, everyone got a break, but then he did not live up to anyone's expectations. Instead of openly expressing their position, they order publications on the sly. Always read the last paragraph - it makes it clear who needs it - explained the media expert.

Political scientist Alexander Melnikov I noticed that there is a certain basis for mass belief in such falsehoods. Already in the country long time There are economic problems, social protest is brewing. People complain, they see that there is a reaction from above - other governors are being removed, so why doesn’t the president change Dubrovsky too?

I have insider information that the question of changing the governor of the Chelyabinsk region is not raised in the Kremlin. Definitely before the elections, and then in any case they will monitor the situation in the regions. Then it will become relevant whether the governor will agree to new term, or it will just be finalized. But the decision will be made after spring 2018. Real facts There is no word yet on who benefited from the rumor about Dubrovsky’s resignation. There are a lot of potential customers. During economic crisis The resource base is narrowing, and there is a struggle for resources. With the arrival of Dubrovsky, the main groups of influence in the region did not experience much joy - he pushed some away from the trough, but did not move others enough, - said Alexander Melnikov.