Political strike of 1905. Creation of a special commission

OCTOBER GENERAL POLITICAL STRIKE of 1905 - the first all-Russian political uprising of workers and employees, one of the key stages of the Revolution of 1905-1907.

Pro-ho-di-la under lo-zun-ga-mi overthrow sa-mo-der-zha-via, create-da-niya de-mo-kra-tichesky re-pub-li-ki, co-creation of the Academic Council, establishment of political con- clusions; teaching strikes also require the introduction of an 8-hour work day, equal to the work of men rank and women, mandatory state insurance for workers. In the Kingdom of Poland, the Grand Duchy of Finland (VKF), the Baltic gubernias, the strike was pro-ho-di-la with the support ke na-tsio-na-lististic forces, under lo-zun-ga-mi pre-kra-sche-niya po-li-ti-ki ru-si-fi-ka-tion and the like.

The strike began in Moscow with economic za-bas-to-vok ti-po-count workers [first - September 19 (October 2) in the typography of the Partnership I.D. Sy-ti-na under the leadership of the illegal trade union for printing; in total there are 50 ty-po-graphies], then bakers, workers, tobacco workers, furniture -acceptances, tram depots, metal-lists. The All-Russian scale of the strike has become a thing after the decision of the Central Bureau of the All-Russian Union for Iron and Steel -generally for the work of the railway transport port. It spread out to all the railway roads of the Moscow junction on October 8 (21) - 11 (24) (later for the bass) va-li Ni-ko-la-ev-skaya and Mo-s-kov-sko-Vin-da-vo-Rybinskaya railway), by October 17 (30) railway traffic would be lo pa-ra-li-zo-va-but throughout the country. In Moscow, by October 15 (28), there was a large number of factories and factories (about 100 thousand workers), transport and residential-communal-enterprises, were many of the stores closed? In St. Petersburg, from October 12 (25) to October 14 (27), workers and employees of large bus stations are working yatiy, from October 15(28)-17(30) - employees of a number of banks and ministries, telegraph and telephony (all th 135 thousand people). All-general za-bas-tov-ka oh-va-ti-la also Kharkov and Eka-te-ri-no-slav, Minsk, Che-lya-binsk, Kras-no-yarsk, Tomsk, Eka-te-rin-burg, Chi-tu, Verkh-ne-udinsk, Ir-kutsk, Zla-to-ust, Ki-ev, Ros-tov-na-Do-nu, Tif-lis, Var- Sha-vu, Lodz, Kurgan, Ri-gu, Omsk and other cities. All-general support in the All-Union Communist Federation began on October 17 (30) under the leadership of the Finnish Party of Active Co-Opposition and So-ci -al-de-mo-kra-tichesky party of Finland. By October 18 (31), the strike had spread throughout Russia, and the total number of its students reached 2 million people. Among them are mainly factory and mountain workers (up to 1 million people), railway workers (up to 750 thousand people). Pre-kra-ti-ra-bo-tu also operates electric stations, post office, telegraph, educational institutions. In many cities, for the leadership of the strike, the Council of Workers of the Pu-ta-tov was created (in St. Petersburg) ter-bur-ge, Che-lya-bin-ske, Eka-te-ri-no-sla-ve, Lu-gan-ske, Ki-ve, Ba-ku, etc.), hundred-Chechen kos -mi-te-you (including with the participation of the representative powerful and elective commissions. With some of them, fighting friends were formed. The strike gave a push to the trade union movement, and in the course of it, communities were created in many cities - bureaus of the trade union call. In the org-ga-ni-za-tion for-bas-to-wok active-but-teaching-st-vo-va-li ko-mi-te-you and individual members of the RSDLP (at the same time more -vi-ki and less-she-vi-ki for-hourly action-st-in-va-li together) and the Socialist Revolutionary Party. In St. Petersburg, many cities in the Volga region, Ura-la, in the Ukraine, in the Baltic region and Transcaucasia the strike co-came with armed clashes with the police and troops; The first bloody skirmishes took place in Moscow on September 23-25 ​​(October 6-8).

The October strike became the main reason for the publication by Emperor Niko-la II Ma-ni-fe-sta on October 17, 1905 and the decree on the am-ni-stiya of political prisoners dated October 21 (November 3), 1905. Ma-ni-fest of Niko-lay II of October 22 (November 4) satisfied the main requirements of the participation of strikes in the VKF: pre-pi- sy-val under-go-to-re-form the Finnish Diet (establishment-in-le-na in 1906), abolished the majority of the ko-news of 1899-1904, adopted in accordance with the opinion of Sei-ma and who created the prince’s car. In some cases, pre-pri-n-ma-te-whether the eco-no-mic requirements for-bas-tov-schi-kov (with - short working day, etc.). The St. Petersburg Council of Workers' De-pu-ta-tov adopted a decision to end the strike on October 21 (November 3) (against the previous -the end of the strike and for its re-extension into the uprising you-stu-pi-li-she-vi-ki), Moscow hundred-Chechen ko -mi-tet and the Central Bureau of the All-Russian Soy-for-iron-but-to-rozh-ni-kov - October 22 (November 4). By October 25 (November 7), the strike had stopped in most of the cities and on most of the railways, in the VKF lasted until November 7 (20). The self-government and military formations created during the strike played an important role in the preparation and pro-ve-de-niy for the bass-to-wok in No-Yab-re - de-Kab-re of the same year and in the December voo -ru-zhen-nykh vo-sta-ni-yakh 1905.

Historical sources:

All-Russian strike in October 1905: At 2 p.m.; L., 1955;

Revolutionary movement in Belarus 1905-1907: Do-ku-men-you and ma-te-ria-ly. Minsk, 1955;

Revolutionary movement in the Irkutsk province during the first Russian revolution: Collection to-ku-men-tal-nyh ma-te-ria-lov. Ir-kutsk, 1955;

Revolution of 1905-1907 in Latvia: Do-ku-men-you and ma-te-ria-ly. Riga, 1956.

By the end of 1905 the revolution had reached highest point of its development.

In October - December, one and a half times more workers took part in the strike movement than at the beginning of the revolution, and the number of participants in political strikes increased especially strongly.
In the forefront revolutionary struggle The proletariat of Moscow spoke out. The movement was led by the Moscow Committee of the RSDLP. The strike of printing workers, which began on September 19, within a few days grew into a citywide political strike. Big role played by the professional organizations that emerged during the struggle. On September 24-25, bloody clashes between workers and police took place on the streets of Moscow. The September battle of Moscow workers was a prologue to new events that swept across all of Russia.

On October 6, workers in the workshops of the Moscow-Kazan Railway went on strike. On October 7, the strike covered most of the roads in the Moscow hub, and five days later - the fourteen largest railways in the country, communities with a length of 40 thousand km. The most important demands of the railway workers were the establishment of an 8-hour working day and the immediate convening of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of universal, equal and direct voting rights.

The initiative of the railway workers was taken up by factory workers. Following Moscow and St. Petersburg, the strike spread to the most remote areas of the country. All groups of the proletariat went on strike - industrial workers, municipal workers, postmen and telegraph operators, store clerks, domestic servants, etc.

In All-Russian strike At least 1 million 750 thousand factory and railway workers and employees participated. The life of the country was paralyzed. Most institutions closed. Petty officials and democratic intelligentsia joined the movement. University auditoriums turned into places for mass revolutionary rallies.

During the general strike, things more than once came to the point of open armed struggle. Barricade battles took place in Yekaterinoslav, Kharkov and other proletarian centers. Tsarism led real war with the revolutionary workers. The St. Petersburg Governor General Trepov issued an executioner order these days: “Do not fire blank volleys and do not spare cartridges.”

It soon became clear to the tsarist government that it would not be possible to deal with the revolution through repression alone. The troops hesitated. IN ruling circles Confusion reigned. Nicholas II took refuge in Peterhof in order to escape from there by sea abroad in case of extreme danger. The railway connection with Peterhof was interrupted; communication with it was maintained only by steamships.

In this situation, the point of view of those court-bureaucratic circles prevailed, who considered it necessary to make new, more serious concessions in order to gain time to suppress the revolution.

On October 17, Tsar Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the “gift” political freedoms and about convening legislative Duma. At the same time, S. Yu. Witte, who received the title of count for the “success” of his diplomatic mission in Portsmouth, was appointed to the newly created post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers. The choice of this candidate was calculated to please both the Russian bourgeoisie and foreign financiers with whom the tsarist government was negotiating to obtain big loan to suppress the revolution.

The October 17 manifesto was greeted with jubilation among the bourgeoisie. Big bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisified landowners organized a party - the “Union of October 17th” (“Octobrists”), which from the very beginning took openly counter-revolutionary positions. Part of the liberal landowners and bourgeoisie, as well as the top of the bourgeois intelligentsia, created the party of “constitutional democrats” (“Cadets”).

Part of the urban petty bourgeoisie, intoxicated by the first victory over the autocracy, followed them. The Cadets tried to turn their party into a mass party: for this purpose, they did not reveal their monarchism until the right time, although they immediately dissociated themselves from the revolutionary slogan of a democratic republic. They accepted the requirement of an 8-hour working day with a characteristic caveat: “where this is according to technical specifications possible."

Democratic phraseology liberal politicians like P.N. Milyukov, a history professor who became the leader of the Cadets, served as a cover for behind-the-scenes negotiations with Witte on the conditions for the possible entry of bourgeois figures (Octobrists and Cadets) into the government.

The Bolsheviks called on the working class and all the people to continue the decisive revolutionary struggle in order to win freedom not in words, but in deeds. V.I. Lenin wrote in the Bolshevik newspaper Proletary: “The Tsar is far from capitulating. Autocracy has not yet ceased to exist.

It has just retreated, leaving the battlefield to the enemy, retreated in an extremely serious battle, but it is far from defeated, it is still gathering its forces, and the revolutionary people still have many serious combat tasks to solve in order to bring the revolution to real and complete victory.”

Events confirmed Lenin's forecast. Immediately after the publication of the manifesto, tsarism tried to go on the offensive. With the patronage and direct participation of the palace camarilla, the Black Hundred monarchist organization “Union of the Russian People” staged bloody pogroms in many cities.

The Black Hundreds killed one of Lenin's closest associates N. E. Bauman, the remarkable worker-revolutionary F. A. Afanasyev and other outstanding leaders of the people's struggle.

The working class opposed the intensifying counter-revolution with the consolidation of revolutionary forces. After the October strike, opportunities for legal work expanded. The workers carried out freedom of speech, press, and street meetings in a revolutionary way. The first legal Bolshevik newspaper began publishing in St. Petersburg. New life».

In November 1905, V.I. Lenin returned from emigration to Russia, heading all the activities of the Bolsheviks in organizing the masses and preparing an armed uprising. Military and militant organizations Bolsheviks, the ranks of Social Democracy quickly swelled and at the same time the desire of the mass of ordinary party members for unity of action intensified. A movement to unify the party developed in the grassroots organizations. In a number of districts, federal and united social democratic committees were created.

Lenin and the Bolsheviks, waging a tireless struggle against the split in the RSDLP, for the restoration of a single proletarian party on a revolutionary Marxist basis, considered it necessary to meet the demands from below. On the scale of the entire party, unification occurred later, in 1906 at the IV Congress of the RSDLP. It did not eliminate the fundamental differences between the revolutionary wing of the party and the opportunists.

The Bolsheviks consistently defended ( decisions III congress, rallying the advanced workers around them.

The influence of the Bolsheviks grew, the Mensheviks gradually lost their positions and authority in the working class.

one of the most important stages revolutions 1905-1907. Its prologue was the struggle (boycott) of the Bolsheviks against the Bulygin Duma (the manifesto on its convening was announced on August 6) and the September events in Moscow. The Bolsheviks called on the proletariat, all revolutionaries. forces to actively boycott the Duma. The plan for the anti-Duma campaign developed by the Central Committee of the RSDLP also included the preparation of the All-Russian. political strikes. 7-9 Sep. 1905 in Riga, on the initiative of the Bolsheviks, a conference of Social-Democrats was held. organizations of Russia (the Central Committee of the RSDLP, the Bund, the Latvian SDLP, the Social Democracy of Poland and Lithuania, the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, the OK Mensheviks) were represented, which advocated a boycott. The Menshevik leaders dissociated themselves from the decisions of the conference. Slogan active boycott became the slogan of almost all Social-Democrats. Russia. The Socialist Revolutionaries and even the left-liberal Union of Unions also boycotted the Duma. Thus, during the anti-Duma campaign, a solid foundation was laid for the unity of action of the Social-Democrats. and revolutionary bourgeois democracy. The boycott slogan, V.I. Lenin pointed out, did not “invent” anything; it reflected the mood and initiative of the masses, clearly outlining the political agenda. the situation in the country in the fall of 1905: the landowners are for the Duma in order to suppress the revolution and preserve the autocracy, the liberal bourgeoisie is also for the Duma in order to suspend the revolution and limit the autocracy, the proletariat is against the Duma in order to overthrow the autocracy. 19 Sep. Economic economics began in Moscow. printers' strike. Following them, bakers, tobacco workers, furniture makers, and tram workers began a strike. From an economic strike, this strike grew into a political one. 23-25 ​​Sep. clashes occurred with the army and Cossacks; Among the strikers there were killed and wounded. From 26 Sep. Moscow went on strike. metalheads. Councils of authorized printing workers, carpenters, tobacco workers, metal workers and railway workers were created. At the call of Petersburg. At the same time, the capital's typographers announced a solidarity strike of the RSDLP. Rallies and demonstrations took place in other cities. The scattered strikes of September developed into an offensive. p.s. The most important role in this was played by women. roads. Oct 6 Moscow c-t RSDLP called on Moscow workers to expand the strike. On the same day, a meeting of the Bolsheviks of the Kazan, Yaroslavl and Kursk railways. d., having discussed the call of the RSDLP MK, decided to start a strike of railway workers from noon on October 7. Center. All-Russian Bureau railway Union called for support for Moscow railway workers. The strike spread. 8 and 9 Oct. it covered everything. d. Mosk. node, excluding Nikolaevskaya and Moscow-Vindavskaya. But the next day these roads also stopped working. By the end of October 11. 14 women went on strike. d., and 17 Oct. the general strike of railway workers everywhere “... suspended railway traffic and most decisively paralyzed the power of the government” (V.I. Lenin, Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 30, p. 321 (vol. 23, p. .240)). The railway workers' strike contributed to the rapid expansion of all-Moscow railways. mountains strikes. Oct 10 Moscow conference Bolsheviks decided to declare October 11. a citywide strike under the slogans: “Down with autocracy!”, “Long live the uprising!”, “Long live the Constituent Assembly!” By 15 Oct. it captures the majority of industrial activities. Moscow enterprises (up to 100 thousand workers). The mountains stopped working. transport, water supply, power plants, gas plants, many others. shops, offices. To lead the movement, the RSDLP MK formed an executive. commission. At the same time as Moscow, the proletariat of St. Petersburg rose up. Petersburg The RSDLP called on the workers to go on strike. Oct 11 Metal workers at a number of the capital's largest enterprises stopped working. Oct 13 the strike grew into a citywide one. “Moscow and St. Petersburg shared among themselves the honor of the revolutionary proletarian initiative” (ibid., vol. 12, p. 2 (vol. 9, p. 362)). All-mountain political strikes in the capitals served as the impetus for the merger of individual strikes into a powerful all-Russian strike. movement. Oct 10 a general strike covered enterprises in Kharkov and Yekaterinoslav, October 11. - Minsk, October 12. - Chelyabinsk, October 13. - Krasnoyarsk, Ekaterinburg, October 14. - Rostov-on-Don, Irkutsk, Chita, Kyiv, Tiflis, Warsaw, October 15. - enterprises of Riga, Lodz. By 15-18 Oct. the strike became all-Russian. Together with Russian The workers of various nationalities in the country rose up as a proletariat. The general strike took place in harmony in Poland and Latvia. In Revel Est. the workers clashed with the troops. Barricade battles broke out in Kharkov, Yekaterinoslav, Odessa, armed. clashes in Transcaucasia. The troops hesitated. Especially important the general strike of railway workers was for Wed. Asia and Siberia, where industrial. the proletariat was small. “This time the all-Russian political strike really swept the entire country, uniting all the peoples of the damned Russian “empire” in the heroic upsurge of the most oppressed and most advanced class” (ibid. (vol. 9, p. 362)). Oct. political The strike was distinguished not only by its territorial scope, but also by its unprecedented mass scale. It involved approx. 519 thousand factory workers; including the mining, mining, and government industries - St. 1 million industrial workers (about 1/3 of them total number). This - greatest number strikers for the entire revolution of 1905-07. Together with railway workers (up to 750 thousand), employees, students total number participants O. v. p.s. reached 2 million people. Oct. the movement was strongly political. character and went under the Bolshevik slogans: “Down with the Bulygin Duma!”, “Down with the tsarist government!”, “Long live the Provisional Revolutionary Government!” and others. Yavochny, revolutionary. through the strikers carried out democracy. freedom - freedom of speech, press, assembly, an 8-hour working day was introduced at enterprises. A clear indicator of political character October movement of the proletariat was the birth of new revolutionaries. bodies - Councils of Workers' Deputies. First meeting Petersburg. Council took place on the night of October 14. Councils arise in Mariupol, Yekaterinoslav, Lugansk, Kyiv, Baku, etc. In October. - Dec. Councils of workers' deputies were created in more than 50 cities and workers' settlements. Soviets as the beginnings of revolution. power as a form of politics. organizations of the proletariat emerged during the strike struggle. They arose “...from a general strike, about a strike, for the sake of the goals of a strike” thanks to the revolutionary initiative of the proletarian masses (ibid., p. 62 (vol. 10, p. 4)). Oct. political The strike confirmed the correctness of the Bolshevik tactics of boycotting the Bulygin Duma. She forced the government to refuse to convene it. Frightened by the wide scope of the movement, tsarism initially decided to deal with the striking armed forces. by force. Governor General of St. Petersburg D. F. Trepov 14 Oct. issued an order: “Don’t fire blank volleys, don’t spare cartridges!” However, repression could not stop the growth of the strike. By half Oct. a balance of power has developed in the country, when “tsarism is no longer strong, the revolution is not yet strong enough to win” (ibid., p. 5 (vol. 9, p. 382)). Then tsarism began a maneuver in order to split the forces of the revolution and satisfy it through constitutions. making concessions to wavering elements, to win over the liberal bourgeoisie. 17 Oct The tsar's manifesto on the “granting” of citizenship to the people was published. freedoms, convocation of legislators. Duma, expansion of voting rights (see Manifesto of October 17, 1905). Despite the half-heartedness and hypocrisy of the tsar's statements, the lack of real guarantees of their implementation, this was the first victory of the revolution. Tsarism was forced to temporarily retreat under the pressure of the revolutionaries. people. The proletariat conquered, although only a short time, freedom of the press, meetings, and unions, unprecedented in Russia. After the Manifesto of October 17. There was a clear demarcation politically. forces in the country. Having enthusiastically greeted the tsar's manifesto, the bourgeoisie henceforth directed all efforts to support tsarism in suppressing the revolution. There was a consolidation of the bourgeoisie, expressed in the creation of the bourgeoisie. political parties - the "Union of October 17" and the Constitutional Democratic (Cadets). The liberal bourgeoisie, supported by the Mensheviks, believed that the manifesto meant Russia's turn to a peaceful constitution. way of development. The Bolsheviks denounced the Tsar's manifesto and called for a continuation of the struggle. O.v. p.s. did not end immediately. Until 21-22 Oct. it continued in Moscow and was stopped at the direction of the RSDLP MK. For certain purposes. on the roads it ended on October 24-25, and in Poland even later. In Oct. movement, the proletariat acted as a hegemon, capable of attracting democratic people to fight. layers of society; this gave scope and strength to the onslaught on the autocracy. O.v. p.s. proved the importance of universal political strikes as one of the forms of revolution. struggle, proved the correctness of the Bolshevik tactics. But the strike itself was not able to overthrow tsarism. The logic of the struggle led the proletariat to arms. uprising. See December armed uprisings of 1905. Lit.: Lenin V.I., The proletariat is fighting, the bourgeoisie is sneaking into power, Complete. collection cit., 5th ed., vol. 11 (vol. 9); his, Boycott of the Bulygin Duma and uprising, ibid. (vol. 9); him, In the tail of the monarchy. bourgeoisie or at the head of the revolution. proletariat and peasantry, ibid (vol. 9); his, Bloody Days in Moscow, ibid. (vol. 9); him, Politich. strike and street struggle in Moscow, ibid. (vol. 9); him, Vseross. political strike, ibid., vol. 12 (vol. 9); his, Balance of Powers, ibid. (vol. 9); his, The First Victory of the Revolution, ibid. (vol. 9); The Bolsheviks are at the head of the All-Russian Federation. political strikes in October 1905 Sat. documents and materials, M., 1955; All-Russian political strike in October 1905. Documents and materials, parts 1-2, M. - L., 1955. -***-***-***- All-Russian political strike in October 1905

By the end of 1905 the Russian revolution had reached the highest point of its development. In October - December, one and a half times more workers took part in the strike movement than at the beginning of the revolution, and the number of participants in political strikes increased especially strongly.

The Moscow proletariat was in the forefront of the revolutionary struggle. The movement was led by the Moscow Committee of the RSDLP. The strike of printing workers, which began on September 19, within a few days grew into a citywide political strike. The professional organizations that emerged during the speeches played a major role.

On September 24-25, bloody clashes between strikers and police took place on the streets of Moscow. The September uprisings of Moscow workers were a prologue to new events that swept across all of Russia.

On October 6, workers went on strike in the workshops of the Moscow-Kazan Railway. On October 7, the strike covered most of the roads in the Moscow hub, and 5 days later - 14 of the country's largest railways with a total length of 40 thousand kilometers.

The most important demands of the railway workers were the establishment of an 8-hour working day and the immediate convening constituent assembly on the basis of universal, equal and direct suffrage. Factory and mill workers followed the railway workers.

After Moscow and St. Petersburg, the strike spread to the most remote areas of the country. Industrial workers, municipal workers, postmen and telegraph operators, store clerks, domestic servants and others went on strike.

At least 1,750 thousand factory, plant and railway workers and employees took part in the all-Russian strike. The life of the country was paralyzed, most institutions were closed. Petty officials and democratic intelligentsia joined the movement. University auditoriums turned into places for mass revolutionary rallies.

During the general strike, things more than once came to open armed struggle. Barricade battles took place in Yekaterinoslav, Kharkov and other proletarian centers. The tsarist authorities waged a real war against revolutionary uprisings. The St. Petersburg Governor General Trenov issued an order these days: “Do not fire blank volleys and do not spare cartridges.”

It soon became clear to the tsarist government that it would not be possible to deal with the revolution through repression alone. The troops hesitated. Confusion reigned in ruling circles.

Nicholas II took refuge in Peterhof in order to escape from there by sea abroad in case of extreme danger. The railway connection with Peterhof was interrupted; communication with it was maintained only by steamships.

In this situation, the point of view of those government circles prevailed, who considered it necessary to make new, more serious concessions in order to gain time to suppress the revolution.

On October 17, Tsar Nicholas II signed a manifesto on the “granting” of political freedoms and the convening of the Legislative Duma. At the same time, S.Yu. was appointed. Witte to the newly created post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers. The choice of this candidate was calculated to satisfy the demands of both the Russian bourgeoisie and foreign financiers with whom the tsarist government was negotiating to obtain a large loan.

The October 17 manifesto was greeted with satisfaction among the bourgeoisie. The big bourgeoisie and bourgeoisized landowners organized a party - the “Union of October 17” (Octobrists). Part of the liberal landowners and bourgeoisie, as well as the top of the bourgeois intelligentsia, created the “Constitutional Democrats” party (Cadets), followed by part of the urban petty bourgeoisie.

The Cadets tried to turn their party into a mass one. For the time being, they did not demonstrate their monarchism, although they immediately dissociated themselves from the revolutionary slogan of a democratic republic. They accepted the requirement of an 8-hour working day with the caveat: “where this is technically possible.” History professor P.N. Milyukov became the leader of the cadets. The Constitutional Democrats party immediately began negotiations with Witte on the conditions for the possible entry of the Octobrists and Cadets into the government.

The Bolsheviks called on the participants in the revolutionary uprisings to continue the struggle in order to achieve even more tangible results. V.I. Lenin wrote in the Bolshevik newspaper “Proletary”: “The Tsar is far from capitulating. Autocracy has not yet ceased to exist. It has just retreated, leaving the battlefield to the enemy, retreated in an extremely serious battle, but it is far from defeated, it is still gathering its forces, and the revolutionary people still have many serious tasks to solve in order to bring the revolution to real and complete victory.”

The initial reaction to the October 7 manifesto abroad justified Witte's assumptions that the internal situation would improve, the government's position would be strengthened, and the prospects for obtaining a foreign loan would be more tangible. The European Exchange responded by increasing the rate of Russian valuable papers, however, already from the second ten days of November the situation on the international money market again changed for the worse, and financial reviews were full of predictions that there could be no talk of a Russian loan before a few months, in any case, until the time when the St. Petersburg government realized its strength and strength.

To meet the expectations of foreign financiers, the Russian government went on the offensive. Under the patronage of palace circles, the Black Hundred monarchist organization “Union of the Russian People” organized pogroms in many cities. Many participants in the revolutionary uprisings died, including one of Lenin’s closest associates, N.E. Bauman.

The counter-revolution intensified. In response to this, a revolutionary movement broke out with new strength. After the October strike, opportunities for legal work expanded.

The first legal Bolshevik newspaper, Novaya Zhizn, began publishing in St. Petersburg. In November 1905, Lenin returned from emigration to Russia, heading all Bolshevik activities. Their military and combat authorities were created. The ranks of Social Democracy grew. A movement to unify the party developed in the grassroots organizations. In a number of districts, federal and united social democratic committees were created.

On the scale of the RSDLP, the unification took place in 1906 at the IV Party Congress. It did not eliminate the fundamental differences between the Mensheviks and Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks advocated the continuation of the revolutionary struggle.

October All-Russian political strike 1905

general strike in Russia; one of the most important stages of the Revolution of 1905-07, the beginning of its highest rise. O.v. p.s. completed the process of outgrowing revolutionary movement, which took place in the country in January - September 1905, into a massive all-Russian political strike. It was preceded by the people's struggle against the legislative Bulygin Duma and the September events in Moscow. The most important role in the preparation of O. century. p.s. played by the Bolsheviks, who based their activities on the decisions of the 3rd Congress of the RSDLP. The All-Russian Railway Union of 1905-07 (VZhS) also spoke out in favor of preparing a strike in the summer of 1905. The economic strike of printers, which began on September 19 in Moscow, turned into a political strike of Moscow workers in other professions. At the beginning of October, printers, metal workers, carpenters, tobacco workers and railway workers in Moscow created Councils of Commissioners for Professions. Meetings and rallies in support of Moscow workers took place at the end of September - beginning of October in other industrial centers. The Bolsheviks sought to transform economic strikes into political strikes, and isolated strikes into general strikes. The development of the September protests of the proletariat into the O.V. p.s. accelerated by the general strike of railway workers. October 6 meeting of representatives of Bolshevik organizations of a number of women. d. Moskovskogo railway the unit decided to go on a joint strike. In the evening of the same day, the Moscow Committee of the RSDLP called for a general strike on the roads of the Moscow Railway. node from noon on October 7. The Central Bureau of the VZhS supported the strike. On October 10, railway workers on all main lines coming from Moscow went on strike. On the same day, the Moscow citywide party conference of the Bolsheviks decided to declare a general city strike from October 11. Following Moscow O. v. p.s. began in St. Petersburg and other large industrial cities. On October 17, the railway workers' strike became general. She everywhere “... suspended railway traffic and most decisively paralyzed the power of the government” (V.I. Lenin, Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 30, p. 321). Working people throughout Russia took part in the general strike. In large cities, factories, factories, transport, power plants, post offices, telegraphs, institutions, shops, educational establishments. In O. v. p.s. Factory workers, railway workers, tens of thousands of mining and mining industry workers, office workers, and students participated. The number of strikers reached 2 million people. The strike was led by the proletariat, supported by the workers of the multinational Russian Empire. Everywhere O. v. p.s. was accompanied by mass rallies and demonstrations, which in the Baltic states, Ukraine, the Volga region, and Transcaucasia escalated into armed clashes with police and troops. The workers of Poland fought heroically - the strike spread here big cities. In Finland, workers created an armed guard. October strike developed under the revolutionary slogans: “Down with the Bulygin Duma!”, “Down with the tsarist government!”, “Long live the armed uprising!”, “Long live democratic republic! The strikers exercised freedom of speech, press, and assembly, and introduced an 8-hour working day at enterprises. As a result revolutionary activities masses in October in St. Petersburg, Yekaterinoslav, Kyiv, and then in other cities, Councils of Workers' Deputies were created, trade unions were formed in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yaroslavl, Kharkov, Tbilisi, Riga, Vilnius. The attempt of tsarism to convene the Bulygin Duma was thwarted. During the strike, the Bolsheviks successfully carried out the tactics of the left bloc, aimed at creating, under the leadership of the working class, a revolutionary general democratic front of the struggle against tsarism. In many cities, coalition strike committees were formed: some of the “leftist” liberals, on the one hand, declared support for the strike, on the other, they did their best to prevent it from developing into an armed uprising. Tsarism attempted to disrupt the O. century through repression. p.s. On October 14, St. Petersburg Governor-General D. F. Trepov ordered the troops and police: “... do not fire blank volleys and do not spare cartridges.” Prevent a strike royal authorities failed. The army hesitated; The government did not have enough reliable troops at its disposal to suppress the revolution. A kind of balance of power had developed in the country, when, as Lenin wrote, “tsarism is no longer strong - the revolution is not yet strong enough to win” (ibid., vol. 12, p. 5).

The tsarist government was forced to give in and issue a Manifesto on October 17, 1905, in which Nicholas II announced the “granting” of civil liberties to the people and promised to recognize the legislative rights of the Duma. The Bolsheviks exposed the deceit and hypocrisy of the tsarist “freedoms” and insisted on continuing the struggle. The Moscow Strike Committee, where liberal elements predominated, and the Central Bureau of the VZhS gave a directive to end the strike. In Moscow, the strike lasted until October 22 and was stopped by the workers by decision of the Moscow citywide party conference of the RSDLP, which called for preparations for a new offensive of the revolutionary forces against the autocracy. Having received the support of the liberal bourgeoisie, who perceived the manifesto as a turn in the development of Russia along the constitutional path, the government launched a decisive offensive against the revolution. Repressions and pogroms began throughout the country. The Bolsheviks N. E. Bauman, F. A. Afanasyev, O. M. Genkina and others were brutally killed by the Black Hundreds. In 110 populated areas Up to 4 thousand people were killed, more than 10 thousand people were wounded. In most parts of the country and railways O.v. p.s. ceased by October 25. At some enterprises it lasted longer and merged with revolutionary uprisings in November 1905.

O.v. p.s. demonstrated the strength of the Russian proletariat as the hegemon of the revolutionary liberation movement. It dealt a significant blow to the autocracy, the proletariat snatched the manifesto from the tsar and made it impossible to govern Russia without representative institutions. The strike “... this time really covered the entire country, uniting all the peoples of the damned Russian “empire” in the heroic upsurge of the most oppressed and most advanced class” (ibid., p. 2). She gave a powerful impetus to the peasant movement. During O.'s days. p.s. rudimentary forms of a new revolutionary power, organs of armed uprising - Soviets of Workers' Deputies. The strike confirmed the correctness of the Bolshevik tactics of actively boycotting the Bulygin Duma, a bloc with revolutionary bourgeois democracy and mobilizing all forces for the further development of the revolution. It was the prologue to the December armed uprisings (See December armed uprisings). Had great international significance; enriched the proletarians of all countries new form struggle - a mass revolutionary strike.

Lit.: Lenin V.I., Complete. collection op., 5th ed. (see Reference volume, part 1, p. 94); Bolsheviks at the head of the All-Russian political strike in October 1905. Collection of documents and materials, M., 1955; All-Russian political strike in October 1905, parts 1-2, M. - L., 1955 (in the series: Revolution of 1905-1907 in Russia. Documents and materials); History of the CPSU, vol. 2, M., 1966, p. 94-112.

I. M. Pushkareva.

Big Soviet encyclopedia. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. 1969-1978 .

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