Free Press: Medvedev is being taken out under attack. FBK investigation: will Medvedev be removed and Navalny imprisoned?

The communists intend to appeal to General Prosecutor's Office with a demand to check Dmitry Medvedev for involvement in corruption. Compromising information on the Prime Minister remains one of the most popular topics in the Russian media space. In this regard, it is set main question: how will all this turn out for the second person in the state? Political commentator Kommersant FM Dmitry Drize believes that it is highly likely that Medvedev will retain his post.

A thriller called “Attack on Dmitry Medvedev” continues to unfold in the Russian political field.

It is noteworthy that the public was alarmed not so much by the investigation of Alexei Navalny, but by the president’s words that “they did not save Dmitry Anatolyevich,” and the subsequent series of unusual events - a strange flu, the absence of the prime minister at the Security Council. And now the communists have officially called for an investigation into the involvement of the head of government in corruption.

According to the old Soviet tradition, sudden illness or an unexpected vacation is a very bad sign. Officials of such high rank cannot be sick; they need to constantly keep their finger on the pulse. Therefore, any non-standard event around such a figure gives rise to a wave of rumors.

So will Medvedev leave?

Firstly, talk of an imminent resignation has accompanied him for almost all of five years since his appointment to high post. Secondly, it is necessary to remember the well-known thesis that the president never makes decisions under pressure, especially from any opposition. By the way, this can be a kind of safe-conduct for this or that official: if you want to keep your position, organize an incriminating attack on yourself.

Thirdly, Medvedev is still for Putin close person- he can publicly make fun of him in a fatherly way, understanding the difficulties he faces. Fourthly, it is not entirely logical to change the prime minister before the elections, given that the main candidate from power has not officially been decided.

Of course, all these arguments are not the ultimate truth - any, even the most unusual, scenario is possible within the vertical. For example, the appointment of a young technocrat “for growth” with the opportunity to prove himself within a year, until the election of the president. There is also Alexei Kudrin, who writes a program for the head of state - he is believed to not hide his prime ministerial ambitions. There is a serious struggle between pressure groups who sleep and dream of getting post No. 2 in the state.

Still, there is a high probability that Medvedev will remain. By the same logic of the vertical, it is impossible to appoint a person to this position in whom one can doubt even the slightest. And Dmitry Medvedev is absolutely loyal to the first person. Nevertheless, he will continue to be criticized, exposed, and overthrown. This is necessary, among other things, to keep the government on its toes and divert criticism from the institution of presidential power.

Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, through the efforts of the Anti-Corruption Foundation, headed by Alexei Navalny, has become a real star of the Internet service Youtube. The film about the “secret empire” premiered “He’s Not Dimon” was viewed by five and a half million people in four days. Alexei Navalny considers the film a serious victory in the fight against corrupt officials of the highest rank, and the journalistic investigation on which it is based is the largest in the history of the Foundation.

Head of the Prime Minister's Press Service Natalya Timakova publicly declared everything shown in the film to be “propaganda attacks.” The question arises: maybe Navalny’s film is an ordinary political “order”? By the way, over the past six months this is already the second major attack on DAM by the Anti-Corruption Foundation.

Navalny himself made serious political profit from this investigation. The release of the film fueled public interest in the activities of the Foundation and in the personality of its permanent leader, so much so that the number of signatories for Navalny’s nomination as a presidential candidate increased by 30 thousand during these days. Now, said the head of the election headquarters Leonid Volkov, Navalny already has more than half of the signatures required for registration. Let me remind you that Navalny put forward his candidacy for participation in the elections in December last year, and since then he has opened 7 out of 77 planned election headquarters in largest cities: Novosibirsk, Yekaterinburg, St. Petersburg, Samara, Ufa, Kazan, Nizhny Novgorod.

As a correspondent for the Moscow Monitor publication, I asked a State Duma deputy about what is behind Navalny’s video Olga Alimov. In her opinion, the “investigation” of the famous oppositionist became part of a larger political game sanctioned “at the top”.

For some reason, it seems to me that this film is not only and not so much the fruit of the political courage of Alexei Navalny. Firstly, such a large-scale investigation could hardly have been carried out by the Anti-Corruption Foundation alone, and secondly, even Alexei Anatolyevich, with all his opposition, would not have had enough gunpowder for such a scandalous revelation. In my opinion, it is obvious that behind this investigation there is someone who helps Navalny, advises him and, most importantly, allows him to fight corruption in the upper echelons by making such resonant attacks.

Of course, it’s good that we are still fighting corruption, even if only with the highest permission. And a legitimate question also arises: why, in fact, did Alexei Navalny receive a kind of carte blanche to conduct his scandalous investigation? In my opinion, not least because, if he is truly brought to justice for these malicious “propaganda attacks,” then it remains to be seen what incriminating evidence he will reveal in self-defense.

Of course, the film causes a real shock, and you are simply seething with civil indignation: how can this be, because in any other country such a prime minister would have resigned with a whistle by the end of the first day of publication of such a film! Moreover, Dmitry Medvedev had previously given many reasons for initiating such an investigation (however, he was not alone).

Personally, it seems to me that by allowing Navalny to publish the results of the investigation, the country’s top leadership, on the eve of presidential race prepares the ground in which he intends to sow the confidence of Russians that he is fighting corruption and will not allow even the most proven and trusted person to steal. In this situation, I personally would not be surprised if a little later, on the eve of the elections, Dmitry Anatolyevich’s resignation follows, so that good will The Kremlin has become more obvious.

However, I would not completely deny the participation of Western forces in organizing and conducting this investigation. It is quite possible that " big boss“gave the go-ahead, and Navalny’s Western partners enthusiastically rushed to find and collect dirt on Medvedev. But I personally do not doubt for a second that the activities of the lively prime minister are in no way a secret for the head of state.

Moreover, I think Navalny will “fall” not only on Medvedev. We should expect other high-profile revelations from him regarding political elite countries. Moreover, the field for this is practically not plowed. And as the election period approaches, the political pathos of the “plowman” will become louder.

Compromising evidence on Medvedev or a guide for suckers

And here is the incriminating evidence on our iPhone. It turns out that Dmitry Medvedev not only swept the streets, but also worked.

Compromising evidence on Medvedev or a guide for suckers

Through Sberbank, the Russian President's team transfers public money to the United States, turning it into their private property along the way. In 1992, the St. Petersburg company Finzell was formed, which soon established the company ZAO Ilim Pulp Enterprise (IPE) (registration no. “AOL-1546, authorized capital in the amount of 1,000,000 rubles). Among the founders of Finzell CJSC, in addition to Zakhar Davidovich Smushkin and the Zingarevich brothers, was St. Petersburg lawyer Dmitry Medvedev, now known as “Prime Minister Russian Federation" At the same time, Medvedev owned 50% of Finzell CJSC, and Ilim Pulp Enterprise" - 20%.

This important fact in 2000 it was indicated Accounts Chamber in a special report dedicated to raider attacks carried out by the Zingarevich brothers and the future president of the Russian Federation. The estimated value of the Ilim holding reached $1.5 billion by 2005. Therefore, there is reason to believe that Dmitry Anatolyevich’s personal capital even before his presidency was close to a billion dollars. This property is disguised, since Medvedev He has been a civil servant for more than 11 years and cannot formally deal with commercial issues. The Profile magazine describes the history of capital as follows: “Medvedev’s business partners were not particularly clean in their conduct of business.

In the fall of 1999, realizing that things were steadily heading towards something unpleasant trial, Medvedev hastily left the ranks of the management of Ilim and left the founders of the Finzell company. Just at the moment when the state began checking the legality of a number of Ilim’s privatization projects. As a result, it became clear, for example, that the privatization of one of the largest enterprises of the company, the Kotlas Pulp and Paper Mill, was illegal. But this no longer had anything to do with Medvedev. And by that time he no longer lived in St. Petersburg... Already in November 1999... Medvedev was appointed to the post of deputy chief of staff of the government of Dmitry Kozak. And in December he became deputy head of the Kremlin administration Alexander Voloshin.”

Forbes in 2006 ranked the company as 24th in the ranking of non-public corporations. In the same year, it was the Ilim Pipe team that lobbied for the adoption of the forestry code, after the entry into force of which in 2007, Russian forests burned in 2010. Ilim enterprises produce 60% of Russian cellulose and 25% of cardboard. In 2007, Ilim enterprises produced 1.6 million tons of marketable pulp, 755,700 tons of cardboard and 258,800 tons of paper. The volume of own timber harvesting during this period amounted to 7.1 million cubic meters. m. Total number personnel - over 20 thousand people. The group's turnover in 2007 amounted to 19 billion rubles, net profit - 3 billion rubles. (according to RAS, taking into account the reorganization of the company from July 1, 2007). Revenue in 2007 according to IFRS - $1.805 billion. At the end of October 2006, it was announced that an agreement had been signed that 50% of Ilim Holding, registered in Switzerland, which owned more than 75% plus 1 share of the pulp and paper assets of Ilim Pulpa ", will be sold to the American forestry company International Paper. At the same time, the timber processing assets of Ilim Pulp were not included in the deal.

Later, in 2007, Ilim's timber processing assets were spun off into a separate company, Ilim Timber Industry. Today official owners Ilima is a Swiss company Ilim Holding, equal shares of which are owned, on the one hand, by the American International Paper and, on the other, by Russian shareholders (including the chairman of the board of directors of the group, Zakhar Davidovich Smushkin, members of the board of directors Boris and Mikhail Zingarevich, Leonid Erukhimovich). General Director is the American Paul Herbert. Which of them is specifically responsible for Dmitry Anatolyevich’s “small share” is difficult to say with certainty. Be that as it may, it was Mikhail Zingarevich, a member of the company’s board of directors, who bought a photograph of the Tobolsk Kremlin taken by Dmitry Medvedev for 51 million rubles at a charity auction at the Christmas fair in St. Petersburg in 2010.

IN Lately“Ilim” as “Medvedev’s personal wallet”, is gradually withdrawing funds abroad. Moreover, the money is provided by the state-owned Sberbank, which finances the offshore investments of the Russian President in the US economy and others. developed countries. Recently, Ilim Timber closed a deal to purchase 100% of Tolleson Lumber Company, Vedomosti newspaper reported. Tolleson is one of the largest independent companies in the southern United States. A family-owned company founded in Georgia in 1919, Tolleson operates two sawmills in Perry and Preston, each producing 450,000 cubic meters. m of lumber per year. Tolleson sawmills are large for their region; the average capacity of local enterprises does not exceed 150,000 cubic meters. m. From the same place, the Chief Executive Officer of the Skolkovo Innovation Center, Mikhail (Yosef Michael ben-Moshe) Moshiashvili, managing director of the Ilim Pulp Enterprise holding, also grows. 37 years old, native of Kutaisi. Georgian Jew, Jewish by religion. One of the leaders of the business club of the Russian Jewish Congress (REC). Former top manager of Deutsche Bank and Rosavia airlines, chairman of the board of directors investment bank United Financial Group (UFG), former employee World Bank, Vneshtorgbank of the Russian Federation and head of the treasury of the oil company YUKOS. Speaks Hebrew, English, German.

Such an asset became the first “timber” investment of Medvedev-Zingarevich-Smushkin-Erukhimovich in America; the deal will increase Timber’s capacity by almost a quarter - to 3.9 million cubic meters. m of lumber per year. The parties did not disclose the purchase price, but Tolleson could cost $50-65 million. It is assumed that the sales markets for the new assets, in addition to the United States, will be China and Japan, which soon required a large number of construction materials to restore the destroyed infrastructure. The situation when, through Sberbank and the Zingareviches, the Russian budget is transferred to a foreign business that is associated with Dmitry Medvedev, is quite typical. As correspondents of the Fontanka.ru website wrote, in August 2010, with the support of Sberbank, the Zingarevichs formalized a deal to acquire two factories in Germany. The enterprises, for which the former owners managed to earn about 100 million euros, in their total capacity provide the new owners with about 2 million cubic meters of building materials per year.

According to Ilim Timber, the factories mainly serve the markets of China and the Middle East. In their native St. Petersburg, the Zingarevich brothers, in addition to their scandalous charity, are known for their development projects. Their interests include reconstruction of Vosstaniya Square and Konyushennaya Square. In addition, firms controlled by businessmen received a number of historical buildings from the city last year - on the Field of Mars, 1, letter A; Konyushennaya Square, 1, letter A; on Nevsky Prospekt, 7-9; embankment of the Moika River, 26, for reconstruction for hotel accommodation. Well, this whole story, as well as the transfer of capital of the largest timber processor to the jurisdiction of the United States and the specificity in choosing partners largely explains the close friendship of the Russian President with Washington and his zeal for eating hamburgers with President Obama.

The main thing in this matter is not to choke.

Alexei Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation published an investigation into the residences of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev in Plyos, the homeland of the official's ancestors in Kursk region and in Sochi. All real estate is registered in companies and non-profit foundations of Medvedev’s classmates. Vineyards are also decorated on them Krasnodar region and Tuscany, as well as two more yachts named church name Svetlana Medvedeva, the prime minister's wife.

What did you find?

Residence in Ples. On an area of ​​80 hectares surrounded by a three-meter fence on the banks of the Volga there is a private pier, a ski slope, three helipads, several houses, a hotel and other buildings and park features, including a giant chess board and a duck house. FBK already talked about this residence in September 2016.

Houses on Rublyovka. An estate with an area of ​​three thousand square meters, a guest house of 750 square meters, and a bathhouse are located on four hectares in the village of Znamenskoye on Rublevka. FBK estimates the cost of the facility at five billion rubles. Foundation employees found a photograph on the Instagram account of one of the builders, where the building is called “Medvedev’s residence.” Another house on Rublevka is located in Maslovo.

Manor in the village of Mansurovo in the Kursk region. This village is motherland ancestors of Dmitry Medvedev. His grandfather lived there, his father grew up there. In Mansurovo they built a house with an area of ​​about one and a half thousand square meters, a guest house, and two helipads. In the village, on the site of Medvedev’s grandfather’s house, a chapel was erected, where it is written “Constructed with the assistance and diligence of Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev on the site of his ancestral house.” The chapel was consecrated on Medvedev’s 45th birthday in 2010, when he was president.

Residence in Sochi. On the Psekhako ridge near Krasnaya Polyana there is a residence with an area of ​​4,000 square meters. It costs 2.6 billion rubles, it follows from financial statements non-governmental Foundation for the Support of Olympic Sports. Dmitry Medvedev posted photos from this residence on Instagram.

Vineyards in the Krasnodar region and Tuscany. In Anapa, the area of ​​vineyards is one hundred hectares. “The relief here is such that if you stand with your back to the sea, you can imagine yourself in Tuscany. Soft contours of the hills, on the slopes of which there are even rows of vineyards. Exceptionally beautiful!” - said sommelier Arthur Sargsyan, who visited there. In Tuscany, Medvedev's close associates have not only a vineyard, but also a 17th-century villa with 30 rooms. The entire Italian plot of 100 hectares cost $10 million.

Mansion in St. Petersburg. The mansion of Count Kushelev-Bezborodko on the Kutuzov embankment was built in the 18th century. Now it has been converted into a residential building with 29 apartments, one of which has a car elevator - the car can be lifted directly into the living room. Some of the apartments are for sale. Six apartments, according to FBK, cost about a billion rubles.

Two yachts. Both yachts were spotted at a residence in Ples. In addition, Dmitry Medvedev watched the fireworks from one of them during the Scarlet Sails holiday in St. Petersburg. Both yachts are named "Photinia" - this name is used in church tradition for Svetlana; This is the name of Dmitry Medvedev's wife. The yachts cost about $16 million.

What does Dmitry Medvedev have to do with it?

All real estate and yachts are in one way or another connected with non-profit foundations, the management of which includes or included people close to Dmitry Medvedev.

Most often mentioned in the investigation is Medvedev’s classmate, member of the board of directors of Gazprombank Ilya Eliseev. He is on the supervisory board of the Dar Foundation. This foundation owned a residence in Plyos (later it was transferred to another foundation, headed by a Dar employee). The land under the residence in Sochi was initially registered with the Dar Foundation. Then it was transferred to another foundation, the founder of which works at Dar.

The same Eliseev heads the Sotsgosproekt foundation, to which entrepreneur Alisher Usmanov donated a mansion in Znamensky (Rublyovka) in 2010. The director of the Sotsgosproekt Foundation is another classmate of Medvedev, Alexey Chetvertkov.

Ilya Eliseev heads the board of directors of the Mansurovo agricultural complex, which has a residence in the Kursk region. The board of directors of the agricultural complex includes Andrey Medvedev, cousin Dmitry Medvedev.

Ilya Eliseev’s offshore companies bought vineyards in Tuscany and both yachts that were seen at the residences of Dmitry Medvedev. A student of Ilya Eliseev purchased the mansion of Count Kushelev-Bezborodko in St. Petersburg for the Dar Foundation.

The companies that own the agricultural complex in the Kursk region and the vineyards in the Kuban belong to the Tekhinpro company. It is headed by Vladimir Dyachenko. In the hacked correspondence of Dmitry Medvedev, there are several dozen orders addressed to this company - in the name of Vladimir Dyachenko. In three months, Medvedev ordered 73 T-shirts and 20 pairs of sneakers. The correspondence is reliable, since Dmitry Medvedev subsequently appeared in public wearing the very clothes he ordered. In the same correspondence, Medvedev orders the distribution of Moldovan wines between the “gorka” (this is the residence in Sochi) and the “river” (this is in Ples). The subject of the letter “Mark 1456” is the altitude above sea level at which the “slide” is located.

A complete diagram of Dmitry Medvedev’s connections with these people, companies and funds was published in the FBK investigation.

Where does the money come from?

In addition to the gift from Alisher Usmanov, the foundations of people close to Medvedev received donations from the richest Russian entrepreneur Leonid Mikhelson, as well as loans from Gazprombank (where Ilya Eliseev works) and Bashneft. Mikhelson's money was used to restore the residence in Plyos, Bashneft's money was used to buy a mansion in St. Petersburg, and Gazprombank's money was used to buy one of the yachts. The investigation says that companies associated with the funds assigned loans to each other. It is unknown whether the money was eventually returned.

The Anti-Corruption Foundation estimated “the volume of funds circulating between Medvedev’s funds and companies” at 70 billion rubles.

Many experts and media are convinced that the “Bolotnaya Opposition” was financed through Skolkovo in the interests of Dmitry Medvedev.

One of the central topics for discussion last week was the scandal surrounding the astronomical fees he received from the Skolkovo Foundation. famous figure the so-called “swamp opposition” Ilya Ponomarev. The media calculated that for one 25-minute lecture he received about 30 thousand dollars, which is higher, for example, than the fee for public performance former president USA Bill Clinton. In total, Ponomarev received over 700 thousand dollars from Skolkovo under such contracts. Moreover, one of the peaks in payments occurred approximately 10 days before presidential elections 2012 and subsequent years riots, Active participation which Ponomarev himself hosted. The fact that the Skolkovo Foundation was initially perceived as a project of Dmitry Medvedev has already allowed a number of observers to say that public money was spent on supporting opposition figures with the knowledge of the then president and current prime minister of Russia.

“Questions about the waste of public funds should be addressed to the Skolkovo Foundation itself, Viktor Vekselberg and his government curators - Deputy Prime Ministers Vladislav Surkov, Arkady Dvorkovich and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev himself,” analysts say. It should be noted that the central television channels, on which we usually “synchronize watches” when analyzing the political agenda, covered the topic around Skolkovo with restraint, without mentioning the name of the prime minister. Thus, “First” focused on V. Zhirinovsky’s statement that Ponomarev hid in his declaration the income received from Skolkovo. NTV expresses the opinion that the funds received by the prominent oppositionist were used to finance the riots on Bolotnaya, again without indicating the “Medvedev” status of the project. Instead, analyzing the main capital investments of Skolkovo, NTV notes that large amounts of money went to the States to finance certain research, as well as long time were in the circulation of a bank controlled by V. Vekselberg. At the same time, the statement of the same Zhirinovsky that the anti-Putin opposition was financed through Skolkovo was not widely circulated on TV.

As is usual in such cases, journalists and experts in the print press and on the Internet turned out to be less restrained and much more sincere in their comments and assessments of what was happening. Thus, Business FM analyst Dmitry Drize emphasizes that questions about the waste of public funds are probably not addressed to Ponomarev, but to the Skolkovo Foundation itself, Viktor Vekselberg and his government curators - Deputy Prime Ministers Vladislav Surkov, Arkady Dvorkovich and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev himself . “What are they inventing in this Skolkovo and how are budget funds spent? Perhaps they have enough resources to hush this matter up,” the observer asks rhetorically.

In its turn, famous writer, publicist and public figure Alexander Prokhanov states in an interview: “It looks like the opposition was sponsored in this way, Bolotnaya was sponsored.” This establishes contact between Skolkovo, the government and the opposition, and Medvedev is the owner of Skolkovo. And there are suspicions that people close to Medvedev sponsored the opposition. This is the drama of today's life: the Kremlin is not united, there are forces in the Kremlin that are destroying the Kremlin itself, and there are forces that are restoring. That's why I say that politics today is turbulent, it is illogical, it is illogical. There are two trends that are gripping not political circles, but the very top of power.”

The editor-in-chief of the federal weekly “Rossiyskiye Vesti” Dmitry Ermolaev writes about it this way: “In our opinion, this (the amount transferred to Ponomarev) is just the tip of the iceberg of financing by the Moscow “boyars” of the protest movement in Russia in 2011-2012... Many people know the multimillion-dollar the amount of “green money” that the liberal “boyars” allocated in 2012 to buy out the information platform that was interfering with the organizers of the “snow revolution”. Moreover, the money was transferred from the reserves of one of the large Russian banks using an offshore scheme.” The portal KM.ru notes that this version “of course, is extremely conspiratorial, but... There is talk that behind the “white ribbon” movement that organized protests (which Ermolaev calls the “snow revolution”) are Medvedev’s people, dissatisfied with the fact that their the boss is relegated to the background, they have been circulating in certain circles for quite a long time.”

It is clear that the state propaganda machine is not currently interested in shaking up the “political” component of the Skolkovo scandal: after all, this is fraught with truly catastrophic consequences for a number of current and very high-ranking leaders of the country (and in particular its government). Instead, the emphasis was placed on the criminal component of the story with Ponomarev, and in general on the obvious ineffectiveness of the entire Skolkovo project. In fact, they are trying to turn it into yet another example of the ineffectiveness of Dmitry Medvedev’s initiatives. But the public, after numerous stories with “zero ppm”, switching hands, etc. I am already accustomed to this state of affairs, and will not discover anything new in my knowledge and ideas about the current prime minister. Having clearly chosen the “lesser evil,” Medvedev’s information managers are trying to “crawl away” from the fatal accusations of financing the opposition.

In this regard, it is curious how the current line of information protection of Skolkovo as a project is built, and by whose forces it is being implemented. For example, the online publication “Svobodnaya Bukva” publishes a commentary by “politician, general director of the resident company of the Skolkovo innovation city, Daria Mitina.” In it, the Skolkovo resident tries to elegantly “turn the tables”... on Vladimir Putin: “I believe there is a certain connection between the campaign against Dmitry Medvedev and the searches in Skolkovo. Because Skolkovo is considered the brainchild of the prime minister. The center was founded just during his presidency. At the same time we have domestic policy, including science, the president answers. He allegedly bears legal and moral responsibility for the same Skolkovo, as for any other institution of this kind.” At the same time, the publication does not note one curious nuance: Skolkovo director Mitina “concurrently” is a long-time activist of the “Left Front”, a fighting ally of many who are now under investigation in the case of the May 6 riots. She is also very familiar with the disgraced Ilya Ponomarev, which does not allow us to consider her comment as independent.

As a result, we see a picture in which “Vaska listens and eats”: having actually been caught red-handed in multimillion-dollar embezzlement, and not without reason suspected of having connections with Dmitry Medvedev’s entourage, the “swamp figures” continue to stick to their line that “in It’s all Putin’s fault.” Apparently, he personally paid lecturer Ponomarev’s fees?.. Another Skolkovo patron, oligarch Viktor Vekselberg, also “listens and eats.” Back in March 2013, a few weeks before the scandal erupted, he blue eye promised that on the territory innovation center Skolkovo will definitely launch large-scale projects in 2013 construction works. Vekselberg named “accelerating the pace of physical construction on site” among his priorities for the near future. “It is important for us this year to complete the construction of all infrastructure, engineering in the first place, and to begin large-scale construction of the main facilities - the Technopark, Skolkovo University and the first residential quarter,” he fantasized.

I would like to ask - at whose expense? Vekselberg himself has clearly not become poorer as a result of the Skolkovo project over all these years - on the contrary, in the latest ranking of billionaires he has risen several positions at once. And here one more piquant detail will come in handy, completing big picture, did not escape the attention of the media. It was reported that, by order of Dmitry Medvedev, the largest enterprises in Russia paid Skolkovo a real tribute. In January 2012, Medvedev, while still president, ordered companies with state participation deduct 1% from your own programs innovative development(PIR) to the endowment fund of the Skolkovo Institute of Science and Technology (Skoltech). This “Skolkovo quitrent” was contributed by 57 companies, including Gazprom, Rosneft, Russian Post and Russian Railways, as well as all defense state corporations - UAC, Uralvagonzavod, Russian Technologies, Oboronservis. For more than a year, state-owned companies have voluntarily and compulsorily transferred sums amounting to billions to Skolkovo. Perhaps, the media are wondering, it was from these funds that the expensive services of a specialist were paid for without higher education Ilya Ponomarev, and the “great strategist” Viktor Vekselberg was promoted to fourth place among the wealthiest businessmen in Russia according to Forbes magazine? As they say, the investigation will show...