French journalism. History of formation and modern media in France

During heated discussions, the opinions of commentators come down to two, but diametrically opposed ones. From “it’s not a good idea to insult other people’s shrines” to “Muslims are completely brutal, and the journalists are great.” In fact, the reason for the death of journalists is not related to Islam, insulting the prophet and so on. Journalists have become victims of run-of-the-mill fanaticism. Civilization has always been tested for strength by barbarism, but when barbarism is mixed with fanaticism, the result is an explosive mixture. Insulting the feelings of believers is a very vague category. For example, I am a supporter of common sense. And I, accordingly, should be offended by the very fact of having modern world theocratic states. Well, I think this form offends common sense government system. However, I am against killing citizens of these countries. But that's only because I'm not a fanatic...

The cartoons published in the satirical French magazine are truly provocative. But they did not violate the laws of France. There are countries where the authors would be executed immediately for such a thing. However, the magazine was published in a republic with different laws. Civilized ways to defend your rights are demonstrations, rallies, legislative initiatives. For example, a drunken fool with bloodshot eyes is sitting in a minibus and suddenly says to the bespectacled guy opposite: “What are you staring at? Huh?” and then punches him in the face. The bespectacled man did not break the law. Will we justify the drunken freak? After all, he was really offended. Don't bother staring! I have a machine gun, I have the right, but you don’t have a machine gun, which means you don’t have rights - this isn’t even the Middle Ages, it’s much more early period human development.

Why in " Islamic State"Is it so easy to recruit young people? Because a lot of this stuff is legalized there. Do you want sex? No problem, capture a concubine in battle. Tired of the concubine? No problem, sell it to your brother to your “mujahid.” That is, the primitive understanding of Islam leads to the fact that the slave trade turns out to be permitted, and rape is legal. And what? Everything is according to Sharia! But what is religion? When it is put into the service of politics, it turns out to be National Socialism (a primitive interpretation of Nietzsche’s philosophy was used), and Islamism (Islam is used) Imagine a gopnik who decided to rob for a reason, but for ideological reasons. And he says: “I am now a nationalist” and will rob only non-Russians, but since there are few non-Russians, he still has to rob everyone. But the robbed Russians are now declared to be incorrect Russians - “they sympathize with chocks”, “they do not support the liberation of the country from non-Russians”, etc.

The same bullshit happens with Gopniks who took “Islam” as an idea. They have "kafirs" and "wrong Muslims" who do not support violence. Now let’s add here the unacceptability of doubt and we get that same fanaticism that allows us to do whatever our heart desires in the name of an idea. Common sense suggests that God cannot be offended. And, if God were offended, he would be able to punish the offender himself, without resorting to the services of scumbags. But fanaticism rejects common sense. Common sense dictates that if something seems unacceptable to you, it is better to stay away from it. But fanaticism is unthinkable without masochism. Let's imagine a situation where I hung my house with pornography. And people who adhere to strict principles come to visit me. moral standards. They judge me harshly, but continue to come to me to continue to suffer from the sight of “obscene pictures”. Absurd? Not for a fanatic.

In Russia there is a law on protection religious feelings believers. I don't like it, but I will abide by it, for my religion is the law. There is no such law in France. With this terrorist attack, the Islamists seem to be saying: “We will live according to the laws of another society and we don’t give a damn about the laws of France. And if someone looks at us incorrectly, we will hit us in the face.” They are citizens of the republic, but reject its laws. Do journalists deserve to die? Exactly to the same extent that the bespectacled man who dared to look at the drunken face in the minibus deserved it. The Islamists' target is not journalists or civilians. Their goal is to radicalize Muslims. And for this you need to form hatred towards them. How to form hatred? Make everyone think that Muslims are committing terrorist attacks. But Islamism is not Islam. Not every person with a camera is a photographer, not every person with a scalpel is a surgeon.

Unfortunately, I again find myself right in my pessimistic forecasts. Cartoons insulting the prophet went viral on the Internet, and several mosques were attacked in France. The Islamists are again achieving their goals, and Muslims are left with only two options - to be terpils or to join the fanatics. And this will remain so until Muslims themselves begin to fight jihadists, caliphates and Islamists. Sooner or later they will have to learn to separate the wheat from the chaff.

Franz. printing appeared later than German and English, but its development was easier and more intense. The French press was distinguished by its content. Already the 1st fr. the leaflet went beyond a simple message and tried to arouse sympathy in society for certain ideas.

Feature of development – ​​strict determinism political processes. Fr. The press changed frequently, depending on the changes political system. It is France that is responsible for the formation of the revolutionary press.

Stages of the formation of journalism in France:

1. Mid 15th – 17th centuries. Middle Ages and Renaissance. The birth of printing.

2. 17th century – the appearance of the first printed newspapers

3. 18th century – Age of Enlightenment. French revolution.

5. 20th century (1st half of the 20th century)

6. Modernity (20th half of the 20th century)

The emergence of universities, handwritten “Flying Leaflets” (NUVELI) appeared for the exchange of information between universities. Universities adopted Guttenberg's printing press. The first printing house appeared in Paris in 1470. Religious publications, almanacs and calendars were printed.

By the end of the 15th century there were about 50 printing houses.

First periodical - yearbook(1611) “Mercurfrançois” (“French Bulletin”). Published by the university. This is the prototype of the tabloid press.

Canards(canard - funny story) – a unique national phenomenon in French. journalism. Journalistic folklore. Small brochures, on very poor paper, with a huge number of errors. They were very popular. They were sold near the walls royal palace, loudly shouting names that attracted buyers with sensationalism.

By the end of the 16th century. the first printed chronologies appear - news collections. On their basis, in the 17th century, a newspaper yearbook was formed “ French mercury"(Mercure de France), had an influence on the social life of France, was the most popular. 17th century

2. The first newspaper in France is considered " La Gazette" - 1631. Publisher Theofast Renaudo. Created modeled after information leaflets in Europe. Official (not formally connected with the government, but actually carries out its views), publicly available. There was no subscription. Contained court messages, military messages. "La Gazette" is the prototype of modern newspapers. It can be considered the first political newspaper.

"LaGazette" was different not only big amount a variety of news from different countries, the absence of rumors, but also clarity, precision, and most importantly, the quality of style.

Paid advertising began to be placed in LaGazette. In 1632, Renaudot publishes the first printed notice sheet called “FeuilleduBureaud"adresse", which is a line-by-line advertisement. The main headings are: “Sale and rental of real estate”, “Sale of furniture” and “Miscellaneous”. “Renaudo became the first French journalist, thanks to whom the first private advertisements appeared in the press,” – this is how Mark Tangate defined his role in the history of advertising.

It is worth noting that Renaudo, unlike the founders of other newspapers, did not belong to the corporation of publishers and printers, and the newspaper itself, according to many researchers, was created “by order” of the almighty Richelieu, who became the Cardinal of France in 1622 and headed the Royal Council in 1624.

3. Slow development of journalism - illiteracy of the population, disorganization state life, strict censorship.

Moral weekly magazines are actively developing, for example, “ French spectator” by Antoine Prevost, CREATED ON THE MODEL OF THE ENGLISH “SPECTACLE”. Due to censorship, the number of underground publications grew.

However, the “true” history of the French press began with the Great french revolution(1789-1794). The Declaration of Human and Civil Rights and the Constitution were adopted, and therefore the quantitative and qualitative growth of periodicals.

As journalism takes shape, it is always categorical, and an evaluative component appears in the texts. High level literature gives birth to the genre of feuilleton (In the newspaper Journal de deba- Debate Newspaper. Louis-François Bertin decided to publish additional sheets for his newspaper "Journaldes Debates" (feuilleton - leaflet, leaflet). Then in 1803 he changed the format of the newspaper - he lengthened it downwards, and the additional part, separated from the newspaper by a “cut line” (white space), began to be called feuilleton)

The first major newspaper appeared Journal de France" It was not widespread. When the French revolution began to gain momentum, the press began to favorable times. Freedom of the press was declared, many daily newspapers began to appear, but many immediately disappeared. Main features– newspapers of that time were deeply politicized, different forces used them as platforms for political struggle.

The party disappeared, and the newspaper also disappeared.

Eber's newspaper " Papa Duchesne" - one of the most famous periodicals of the democratic press of the period of the great French revolution. Father Duchesne is a collective type, representing a man of the people, a small merchant who will always expose any injustice or abuse.

Newspaper of Jean Paul Marat " Friend of the people", was the organ of revolutionary democracy. Literate Parisians read the Friend of the People aloud from the first days of the revolution. The advantages of his journalism: consistency, passion, simplicity and accessibility, strict factual validity of demands.

Exposure was the main subject of his journalism. He developed entire newspaper campaigns around a specific event or person.

This rampant revolutionary journalism was soon stopped by Napoleon; he understood the obvious power and influence of the press. He believed that 4 hostile newspapers were more dangerous than 100 thousand bayonets. At first, only 13 newspapers were allowed, and then 4: “Gazette de France”, “Journalde Paris”, “Journaldel Empire” (formerly called “Journal de Debate”) and “Moniteur”.

4. 19th century After the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo, Louis 18, the last king of the French Bourbon dynasty, took the throne. new era fr. journalism. Under the Bourbons, it was allowed to express one's opinion within the limits of the law. In the 19th century, journalism in France enjoyed almost complete freedom.

Ultra-royalist newspapers appear (for strengthening royal power). February Revolution(1848) flooded the press with the same abundance of newspapers as the 1st great revolution. In the second half of the 19th century (the era of the Second Empire), new large political newspapers appeared. Became the most influential "Temps." From the small press came out " Figaro».

"Figaro", "Temp", "Monite"" - elite journalism, the most popular publications in the 19th century.

The first in the world was founded in 1835 information Agency Havas. Its founder was the famous French writer and journalist Charles-Louis Havas (1783-1858). Born in Rouen, he received a good education, showing a special ability for languages. I decided to use my good knowledge foreign languages and began making translations from European periodicals. He offered these reviews of the foreign press to Parisian periodicals. With the invention of the telegraph, Gavas received the status of a full-fledged telegraph agency. This is how the Havas news agency arose. The agency's services were used by the influential Parisian newspapers "Journal de Debat", "Constituciónelle", "Press", "Siecle". Later, Havas organized a wide network of European correspondents transmitting information from the host countries. In 1853, the column “Messages from the Telegraph Agency” appeared in almost all Parisian daily newspapers, in which information from the Havas agency was published. It was “Havas” that first reported in September 1854 about the beginning Crimean War. After Havas' death, the agency was inherited by his son Auguste Havas. The Havas agency existed until 1940. In 1944, the France-Presse news agency was created on the basis of Havas.

In France, the emergence of publications "penny press" associated primarily with names Louis-Désiré Veron and Emile de Girardin. Girardin founded the political newspaper " LaPresse"(Press). New Newspaper Girardina attracted readers not only with a low subscription price, but also with brilliant journalistic names (for example, Théophile Gautier, who led the section of art-critical feuilleton). Girardin managed to turn his newspaper into an independent publication, and publications in LaPresse often irritated the authorities. ABOUT THE PUBLICATION OF NOVELS WITH THE CONTINUATION OF ANDRE GIDE!!!

Veron became a newspaper publisher in 1835 "Constitutionel", which gained popularity thanks to the discovery of such a new (purely newspaper) genre as the feuilleton novel.

The end of the 19th century - the Dreyfus affair (a French officer was accused of spying for the German Empire) - formation civil society in France

5. The "Golden Age" of French journalism - the end of the 19th, beginning of the 20th centuries - caused rapid growth of the press. The press becomes commercial, a type is formed mass newspaper, where there should always be “blood” on the front page.

The Dreyfus Affair - a trial (1894-1906) of espionage for the German Empire, in which a French officer was accused General Staff, a Jew originally from Alsace (at that time a territory of Germany), Captain Alfred Dreyfus (1859-1935). The process played a huge role in the history of France and Europe late XIX century.
Opinions were expressed in the press that Dreyfus's guilt had not been proven and that he had fallen victim to a miscarriage of justice; in "Matin" a facsimile of the bordereau was published, which raised strong doubts among many about the ownership of this document by Dreyfus (which would be proof of his innocence). In 1896, Lazare’s pamphlet appeared: “Une erreur judiciaire,” which argued that Dreyfus was innocent (but court verdict it had no effect).
“I Accuse” (French: “J’accuse”) is an article by the French writer Emile Zola, published in the daily newspaper “L’Aurore” on January 13, 1898.
It is written in the form open letter, addressed to French President Felix Faure, and accused the French government of anti-Semitism and the illegal imprisonment of Alfred Dreyfus. Zola pointed out the bias of the military court and the lack of serious evidence.
The letter was published on the front page of the newspaper and caused a stir both in France itself and far beyond its borders. Zola was accused of libel and convicted on February 23, 1898. To avoid prison, the writer fled to England. He was able to return to France only after the suicide of Colonel Henri and the flight of Major Esterhazy, two main figures in the Dreyfus affair, in June 1899.
Zola's article caused a wide resonance in cultural world, becoming proof of the influence that the intellectual elite can have on those in power.

The newspaper was founded in 1904 Humanite(humanity) Jean Jaurès. She was socialist and pacifist.

1914-1918 First World War. The 1914 war caused both a sharp reduction in the number of newspapers published and their volume, as well as changes in their design and content. Wartime difficulties: mobilization of a significant part of employees, paper restrictions, difficulties with transport, reduction in advertising revenues, and finally, strict censorship of information messages.

Since August 1914, the government has been prohibited from publishing any communication regarding military events other than those that will come from the Press Bureau of the War Department. Caricatures become a frequent guest on the pages of newspapers. figure "Anasthesia""a gloomy old woman who looked like an owl with a long nose in the shape of censor scissors. Next to her there was usually a bucket of white paint, which she used to paint over newspaper columns.

In 1916, the Interministerial Commission for Press Affairs (was involved in the distribution of paper, equalizing prices for newspapers, establishing their maximum volume, etc.), later transformed, in 1918, into the National Press Service (O.N.P.) - the first parity institution, whose activities actually extended to all administrative and financial problems of the press.

Only the Big Four were not affected by difficulties. " Ptiparisien» increased its circulation to 2 million copies. By 1918 the circulation " Maten" - 1,000,000. " Ptizhurnal" - 500 thousand. Until 1917, it confidently moved forward and " Magazineь", its circulation quickly grew to 400 thousand. These five deserved the trust of the government, and only they were given permission to distribute to the troops. The daily newspaper of Gustave Thery, created in 1916, stood out "Ovr" where was it published? Henri Barbusse's novel "Fire".

The war caused the development of the press and accelerated its evolution.

Among the “trench” publications, which united the best cartoonists and artists, were Bayonet and Mo”, who spoke from anti-war positions. But in the trenches there were also “patriotic” leaflets with characteristic headings: “Brave”, “Laughter with explosions”, “They will be finished!”

The seal played big role in victory big bourgeoisie in the 1919 elections.

In the period between the two wars, a new information medium developed rapidly and became widespread - broadcasting. Over the course of fifteen years (from 1924 to 1939), the number of radio receivers in France grew from 60 thousand to 5.2 million. Private radio broadcasting arose and developed. Already in 1928, there were 11 public (two in Paris, 9 in the province) and 14 private (four in Paris, 10 in the province) radio stations.

During the occupation of France Nazi Germany the country's press was split into two camps: cooperation with invaders; the other arose during the anti-fascist activities of the resistance and came out illegally.

6. newspapers prefer not to advertise certain political orientation. The overall tone has become more neutral.

In total, about 60 daily newspapers were published in Paris in 1910, 25 of them with a circulation of less than 500 copies. The bulk of periodicals consisted of numerous specialized publications. In the “Yearbook of the French Press” for 1914, their list occupies 300 pages: these were newspapers for car and airline enthusiasts, for visitors to hippodromes, lawyers, military men of all ranks, financiers, traders, traveling salesmen, etc., etc. There was even a “Newspaper lactating women." In search of an audience, Parisian newspapers are turning even more actively to provincial readers.

Quality publications: daily " LeMonde"(largest circulation, readable outside France). " LeFigaro" - credo: closest to its readers. " Liberation" - more progressive. It became the first French printed publication to open its website on the Internet. Mass: " France-Soir", "Ptitparisien", "Ptitzhurnal". French press is under the control of several media associations (ASCHETT, Ersan group, Havas, Parisien, Bayard-press, Expanion).

TV: The Federal TV system was created as a state TV system and was used by the state as an effective tool in external and domestic policy. Then it changed (as an instrument of civil consensus). It is prohibited to service more than 5 TV channels by one operator. Holding FranceTelevision, Antenna 1.

Radio: by the beginning of the 21st century, French radio retained the attention of a wide audience due to the variety of channels and programs. National broadcasting company RadioFrance. IA: France Press (the largest French IA. Founded in the mid-20th century on the basis of the Havas IA).

Shchankina Yulia

The monarch’s lawyer, Eric Dupont-Moretti, told France Info: “This is beyond my understanding. A journalist who declares that he will not publish his book in exchange for money is something unheard of! Never before has a head of state faced blackmail of this kind.”

Writer and journalist Eric Laurent, 68, and his partner Catherine Gracier are known in France for their investigative journalism. Publishing house Editions du Seuil reported that journalists were preparing for publication a book that was supposed to be released “in January-February” 2016. Journalists have already published the book “The Predator King” (“Le roi prédateur”) in 2012 in the same publishing house. Their investigation did not please the King of Morocco at the time, reports the Huffington Post, and the Spanish daily El Pais was banned from distribution in Morocco after it published excerpts from the book.

Jeune Afrique recalls that Eric Laurent already published a book in 1993, which included interviews with King Hassan II of Morocco, father of Mohammed VI. “This is the only publication in this genre about former ruler, which came out in complete harmony with the Palace,” says the Jeune Afrique website. Eric Laurent started his work at the Le Figaro newspaper and currently works for the French radio France Culture.

Catherine Gracier is a freelance journalist specializing in the Maghreb, working in Morocco for Journal hebdomadaire. Gracier has written several investigative books, including the so-called. Sarkozy-Gaddafi dossier. A book in which a former Libyan official talks about financing election campaign Nicolas Sarkozy under the regime of Muammar Gaddafi, published by Seul in 2013. Catherine Gracier's colleague and co-author Nicolas Beau told AFP that her detention in Paris and the suspicion of blackmail “left him in shock. I knew that Catherine was preparing this project (a book about the King of Morocco).” According to Nicolas Beau, this kind of “crime” is “not like” Catherine Gracier.

French police detained Eric Laurent and Catherine Gracier on August 27. They are accused of trying to extort 3 million euros from the King of Morocco, Palace lawyer Eric Dupont-Moretti said in an interview with French radio station RTL. In exchange for the specified amount, the journalists allegedly offered to cancel the publication of the book.

France Info reports that about a month ago, Eric Laurent contacted the monarch's office in order to obtain information. A meeting with the king's adviser was organized in Paris in August. At this point, Eric Laurent asked for 3 million euros so that the book would not appear in print. After Mohammed VI learned of the conversation in Paris, his lawyers filed a complaint in France. During the preliminary investigation, another meeting was organized for journalists and the king's adviser. Eric Laurent then confirmed his conditions. And during the third meeting on August 27, journalists Eric Laurent and Catherine Gracier received 80,000 euros as an advance, signing a paper stating that they refused to publish their book. This meeting was conducted under police surveillance. The investigation has audio recordings and photographs.

During heated discussions, the opinions of commentators come down to two, but diametrically opposed ones. From “it’s not a good idea to insult other people’s shrines” to “Muslims are completely brutal, and the journalists are great.” In fact, the reason for the death of journalists is not related to Islam, insulting the prophet and so on.

Journalists have become victims of run-of-the-mill fanaticism. Civilization has always been tested for strength by barbarism, but when barbarism is mixed with fanaticism, the result is an explosive mixture. Insulting the feelings of believers is a very vague category. For example, I am a supporter of common sense. And I, accordingly, should be offended by the very fact of the existence of theocratic states in the modern world. Well, I think that this form of government insults common sense. However, I am against killing citizens of these countries. But that's only because I'm not a fanatic...

The cartoons published in the satirical French magazine are truly provocative. But they did not violate the laws of France. There are countries where the authors would be executed immediately for such a thing. However, the magazine was published in a republic with different laws. Civilized ways to defend your rights are demonstrations, rallies, legislative initiatives. For example, a drunken fool with bloodshot eyes is sitting in a minibus and suddenly says to the bespectacled guy opposite: “What are you staring at? Huh?” and then punches him in the face. The bespectacled man did not break the law. Will we justify the drunken freak? After all, he was really offended. Don't bother staring! I have a machine gun, I have the right, but you don’t have a machine gun, which means you don’t have rights - this is not even the Middle Ages, this is a much earlier period of human development.

Why is it so easy to recruit young people into the Islamic State? Because a lot of this stuff is legalized there. Do you want sex? No problem, capture a concubine in battle. Tired of the concubine? No problem, sell it to your “mujahid” brother. That is, a primitive understanding of Islam leads to the fact that the slave trade is permitted and rape is legal. And what? Everything is according to Sharia! But what is religion? This is a philosophical and moral picture of the world. When it is put into the service of politics, the result is National Socialism (a primitive interpretation of Nietzsche’s philosophy was used), and Islamism (Islam is used). Let's imagine a gopnik who decided to rob not just like that, but for ideological reasons. And he says: “I am now a nationalist” and will only rob non-Russians. But since there are few non-Russians, you still have to rob everyone. But the robbed Russians are now declared to be incorrect Russians - “they sympathize with chocks”, “they do not support the liberation of the country from non-Russians”, etc.

The same bullshit happens with Gopniks who took “Islam” as an idea. They have "kafirs" and "wrong Muslims" who do not support violence. Now let’s add here the unacceptability of doubt and we get that same fanaticism that allows us to do whatever our heart desires in the name of an idea. Common sense dictates that God cannot be offended. And, if God were offended, he would be able to punish the offender himself, without resorting to the services of scumbags. But fanaticism rejects common sense. Common sense dictates that if something seems unacceptable to you, it is better to stay away from it. But fanaticism is unthinkable without masochism. Let's imagine a situation where I hung my house with pornography. And people who adhere to strict moral standards come to visit me. They judge me harshly, but continue to come to me to continue to suffer from the sight of “obscene pictures”. Absurd? Not for a fanatic.

In Russia there is a law on the protection of religious feelings of believers. I don't like it, but I will abide by it, for my religion is the law. There is no such law in France. With this terrorist attack, the Islamists seem to be saying: “We will live according to the laws of another society and we don’t give a damn about the laws of France. And if someone looks at us incorrectly, we will hit us in the face.” They are citizens of the republic, but reject its laws. Do journalists deserve to die? Exactly to the same extent that the bespectacled man who dared to look at the drunken face in the minibus deserved it. The Islamists' target is not journalists or civilians. Their goal is to radicalize Muslims. And for this you need to form hatred towards them. How to form hatred? Make everyone think that Muslims are committing terrorist attacks. But Islamism is not Islam. Not every person with a camera is a photographer, not every person with a scalpel is a surgeon.

Unfortunately, I again find myself right in my pessimistic forecasts. Cartoons insulting the prophet went viral on the Internet, and several mosques were attacked in France. The Islamists are again achieving their goals, and Muslims are left with only two options - to be terpils or to join the fanatics. And this will remain so until Muslims themselves begin to fight jihadists, caliphates and Islamists. Sooner or later they will have to learn to separate the wheat from the chaff.

LJ molonlabe

RS correspondent Mark Krutov spoke with believers after Friday prayers at the Moscow Cathedral Mosque and asked them whether they consider the murder of Charlie Hebdo journalists a terrorist attack and who, in their opinion, is responsible for what happened.

Double anti-terrorist operation in France: chronology of events

On January 7, 11:30 am in Paris, at 10 Rue Nicolas Appert, the editorial office of Charlie Hebdo is attacked. Two armed masked men kill a wounded policeman who lies in the street and asks not to shoot at him again.

They also shot dead 11 more people in cold blood inside the editorial office of the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo. Eight of them were employees of the publication, including five cartoonists, the editor-in-chief's bodyguard, a technical worker and another guest.

The attackers managed to escape from the crime scene in a stolen car, which was later found by police. The criminals abandoned the car, but the police found documents in it that allowed them to identify the terrorists.

They turned out to be the Kouachi brothers - 34-year-old Said and 32-year-old Sheriff. They are French citizens in a family of Algerian immigrants.

Next, the police begin a search operation in the north of the country. In particular, in the cities of Strasbourg, Reims, Charleville-Mezières. The search involves the police, special forces and the army. Total number The number of law enforcement officers who participate in the operation reaches 80 thousand.

On January 8, at 7 a.m. 15 minutes, a new shootout: a female police officer was killed, another police officer was wounded in the southern suburbs of Paris after a shootout with an unknown armed man. The attackers manage to escape.

11am 35 minutes The Kouachi brothers are recognized at a gas station they robbed in the Picardy region north of Paris. The attackers did not hide the fact that they were armed and openly showed their Kalashnikov assault rifles and grenade launchers.

Police squads special purpose heading north of Paris. Police helicopters join them.

On January 9, the armed Kouachi brothers seize the printing house of the town of Dammartan-en-Goel with employees inside. international Airport Charles de Gaulle is located just 20 kilometers from this place. The city is surrounded by police, there are helicopters in the sky. The anti-terrorist operation ends with an assault. The brothers are killed, the hostage is released.

That afternoon, another drama unfolds in eastern Paris, near the Porte de Vencennes. There, an armed man takes hostage visitors to a kosher food supermarket. This is 32-year-old Amedy Coulibaly. police suspect he was the one who attacked police officers on Thursday morning in the southern suburbs of Paris.

The assault on the supermarket begins simultaneously with the assault on the town of Dammartan-en-Goel. The attacker is killed, but the assault was not without casualties among the hostages.

French journalism

first half XIX century in the opposition system "power-press"

The 19th century became a century of accelerated development of civilizational processes - both economically and socially. The rapid changes taking place in European culture could not but affect the mental history of an individual nation, which in turn was reflected in the pages of the press, which chronicled the process of these changes and transformations.

If you do short list technological innovations of the first half of the century under review, then this list will be more than impressive. Especially in the growth dynamics of these innovations.

One of the main requirements for the development of communication technologies was the acceleration of information transfer, that is, the establishment of convenient and reliable channels for the receipt of information. Such an “information channel” was the railway, which from a curiosity in the 1820s turned into a natural component of European life by the mid-nineteenth century, significantly reducing the time it took to deliver mail and press to the addressee. What previously took weeks became a matter of one or two days.

In the late 1830s, a series of inventions and innovations set the stage for an explosion in communications technology. In 1837, the Englishmen Charles Wheatstone and William Cook patented a new invention - the cable telegraph. In 1840, the telegraph alphabet appeared, proposed by the American Samuel Morse. Since 1844, the electric telegraph has actively entered everyday journalistic activity, significantly reducing the time from receiving information to delivering it to the reader.

In 1838, regular steamship service across the Atlantic Ocean was established, reducing the journey from Europe to America to 30 days, and Western world began to perceive itself as a single information space.

In 1840, postage stamps were introduced in England (prior to this, letters were paid for by the addressee), and this innovation affected the growth of correspondence.

In 1838, Louis Dugger invented the daguerreotype (an early form of photography), which led to significant changes in the construction of illustrative series in periodicals.

Another requirement for the development of communication technologies is the efficiency and speed of replication of the necessary information. The manual printing press limited the press's ability to increase circulation within a certain period of time.

The technocratic thought of Europe found a way out of this situation by using “the capabilities of the steam printing press, invented in 1810 by the Saxon printer Frederick Koenig. Koenig’s innovation did not find industrial application for a long time until” The Times" did not use the Koenig machine in the publishing process in 1814. And this allowed the London newspaper to go from publishing 300 copies of the newspaper per hour to printing press to produce 1,100 copies of the newspaper per hour using the new system.

A further breakthrough in the field of printing was the invention of the rotary printing press,<…>which, using roll paper, simultaneously printed both the front and reverse side with a productivity of almost eight thousand copies per hour. This breakthrough immediately had great consequences. Printing prices fell by 25 percent" (90. P.45).

The next communication innovation was the emergence of news agencies. The world's first news agency appeared in 1835 in France. Its founder was Charles Louis Havas, who began his activities in Paris with the “Gavas Translation Bureau,” whose task was to promptly provide translations of foreign press for the needs of local periodicals.

Subsequently, the Havas news agency began receiving news from foreign newspapers, and also created a wide network of its own correspondents and began selling the information received to Parisian and provincial newspapers.

When railroads were still a slow means of communication, and the telegraph was just beginning to become part of newspaper and information practice, Havas' agency successfully used pigeon mail to quickly receive information.

“Havas’s two capable students and imitators, B. Wolf and P. Yu. Reiter, followed him and created press information agencies, respectively, in Germany (1848) and England (1851)” (122. P. 46).

In sync with technological innovations, scientific thinking also changed. As the German philosopher and culturologist V. Windelband accurately noted the essence of this era, “natural scientific observation of phenomena was of extraordinary importance for the entire worldview and biography” (36. P.525). Faith in the power of scientific knowledge, acquired from a generation of enlighteners, was reinforced by new discoveries, and the positivist dominant was projected onto all schools of thought and onto a wide variety of social experiments, working for the sake of its future and gradually abandoning its past.

Political transformations at the beginning and middle of the 19th century occurred at a somewhat slow pace, clearly not keeping pace with technological, ideological and cultural innovations, which led to political and social conflicts and upheavals.

It is enough to list the change in political elites during the first half of the period under review to see serious socio-political aberrations in both the political and socio-cultural aspects. All this naturally affected a specific “little” person, who became the object of the entire complex of changes taking place.

Empire period, Restoration period (with two different vector sub-periods), period July Monarchy(with the collapse of many hopes and illusions), the period of the Second Republic (with its utopian intentions) - all these are milestones in the complex development of national history, in which the press was assigned the role of a direct participant in this process, acting either as a “follower” or as a “leader” "in the relationship between the authorities and the press.

The development of French journalism was determined not only by technological progress and innovations in the field of communication, but also by the “censorship practices of the ruling elites” (58. P.5) in combination with the ideological struggle of various political and cultural trends.

The entire 19th century public life France is characterized by an active ideological struggle, rooted in the “whirlpool of ideas” of the Great French Revolution.

Even during the period of the Empire, with its cruelest dictates towards the press, ideological disputes went on latently, taking on the character of hidden opposition.

The French periodical press, which received freedom of speech under the Constitution of 1789 and lost all its freedoms during the Jacobin dictatorship, remembered its former liberties when faced with the authorities' attack on the rights of the press.

Napoleon's "Consular Decree on Newspapers", issued on January 17, 1800, led to the closure of 60 of the 73 newspapers published in Paris. The Minister of Police was entrusted with the responsibility of monitoring the press and ensuring that “newspaper editors were of incorruptible morality and patriotism” (115. P. 154).

Bonaparte, who perfectly understood the power of the press and once said that “four hostile newspapers are more dangerous than a hundred thousand bayonets” (90. P. 37), when creating the Constitution of the Empire (1804), approved the inclusion of four articles designed to guarantee freedom of the press, but which actually destroyed this freedom.

Therefore, in the absence of direct political opposition, aesthetic and ideological “dissent” could express itself only in “Aesopian language.”

“Ideologists,” the younger generation of “encyclopedists” who preserved republican ideals, grouped around Pierre Louis Genguere’s journal “Decade philosophique, litteraire et politique” (“Philosophical, literary and political decades,” 1794-1807) and defended liberal ideas in all available ways in the era of the Empire until in 1807, by order of Napoleon, irritated by their independence, this magazine was merged with the Journal de l'Empire (Journal of the Empire).

Another source of hidden opposition to the Empire’s regime was the so-called “counter-revolution”, which in aesthetic terms established a connection between the sentimentalism of the end of the Age of Reason and the romanticism of the 19th century. Denying the constitutional voluntarism of the Great French Revolution and dreaming of restoration, Louis de Bonald, François René Chateaubriand and Joseph de Maistre, in some ways similar and at the same time extremely distant from each other, relied on the ideas of the English Whig Edmund Burke (1729-1797), this "the first theorist of counter-revolution" (208).

Viscount de Bonald (1754-1840), an ardent theorist of theocracy and a former musketeer, was convinced that the Restoration was the regime that should “establish the constitution of society, that is, return to the will of the creator” (208). In such works as "An Analytical Essay on the Laws of Nature" (1800), "Primary Legislation Considered by Reason" (1802), he refuted "Rousseau, Montesquieu and other writers who prepared the revolution. In his opinion, from the Gospel to the "Contrat social", books were to blame for all revolutions<…>He places the main blame for the ruin of the century on the "Gens de lettres", on this class, which belongs exclusively new history, and proposes purely draconian laws against printing" (147. T.1.S.175-176).

De Bonald's "Initial Legislation" was published in the same year as the famous book "The Genius of Christianity" by François René de Chateaubriand (1768-1848). (At this time, both writers collaborated in the newspaper Mercure de France). Talking about practically the same thing - the revival of Catholicism in its original greatness - Chateaubriand and Bonald differed in their essential understanding of the nature of religion and, as a consequence, in their views on the development of society. It is no coincidence that during the Restoration, former allies became political opponents.

Paradoxically, the printed speeches of the “counter-revolutionaries” in 1802 coincided with the political interests of the Empire - primarily in terms of reconciliation with the Catholic Church.

“On April 18, 1802, a solemn prayer service was served on the occasion of the conclusion of the concordat; on the same day, Fontana’s review of the book “Geniene du Christianisme,” which had just been published, appeared in the columns of “Moniteur.” Bonaparte and Chateaubriand seemed to have united to raise the authority of religion. From a distance the impression is beautiful” (79. P.47).

However, soon the paths of the “counter-revolutionaries” and the emperor diverged, and Napoleon chose to remove from himself those who allowed themselves to think independently. Chateaubriand went as secretary of the embassy to Rome, and Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821), the third and most mysterious representative of this movement, who even in the revolution saw the will of Providence, was forced to spend fourteen years (1802-1816) in “a kind of exile, in St. Petersburg, living poorly, maintaining stoicism and judging events and people from the height of spiritual greatness" (79. P. 59).

Even the generally “ideologically neutral” Louis Francois Bertin, editor of the most popular newspaper during the years of the Empire, “Journal des Debats politiques et litteraires” (“Journal of Political and Literary Debates”), turned out to be displeasing to the Napoleonic regime. “For his independence and barely hidden royalist hints, Bertin was imprisoned for 9 months, and then was exiled to Italy, where he became friends with another exile, François René de Chateaubriand. In 1804, Bertin received permission to return to France, but his newspaper was renamed the "Journal de l" Empire", and a special censor was assigned to it (at first it was Fievet), to whom the publishers had to pay a huge fee<…>In the year of the “great purge” to which French journalism was subjected in 1807, the censor Fievé in the Bertin newspaper was replaced by the censor Etienne. But this was not enough for Napoleon, and in 1811 the newspaper, whose circulation reached 32,000 copies, was confiscated in favor of the state, and Bertin was told that “he had already become quite rich” (90. P.38).

Napoleon initiated the adoption of the Press Decree of 1810, which led to the subordination of the periodical press to the Main Directorate of Printing and Book Trade, which was part of the Ministry of the Interior as a structural unit.

As a result, by 1811, only four daily newspapers were published in Paris - Journal de Paris, Gazette de France, Moniteur and Journal de l'Empire, and the emperor himself did not really favor them. In a letter to Fouché regarding the last two newspapers, Napoleon complained: “These two publications pretend to be religious to the point of hypocrisy. Instead of taming the intemperance of the one-sided system of some philosophers, they attack philosophy and human knowledge. Instead of restraining the writers of this century with sound criticism, they deprive them of their vigor, tear them apart and destroy them. All this should not continue in this form" (117. P. 146).

Napoleonic censorship had a negative impact on the cultural development of France. According to Auguste Bourgoin, “official, orthodox literature related to the government ... turned out to be very mediocre. Members of the opposition, opponents of the empire, like Chateaubriand, Madame Stael, Joseph de Maistre, Benjamin Constant, or simply those writers who stayed away , only those who were then distinguished by talent or even genius. No era, it seems to us, shows more clearly that freedom does not harm the development of the human mind" (117. P. 118).

The fall of Napoleon's regime and the beginning of the Restoration led to a new situation for French journalism. The adoption of the "Constitutional Charter" of 1814 led to the formal restoration of freedom of speech in France. However, illusions about the restoration of the principles of freedom of the press were destined to disappear quite quickly.

The law of October 21, 1814 restored preliminary censorship for all periodicals. An exception was made for works whose volume exceeded 20 printed pages, which automatically took the press beyond the limits of this censorship relaxation.

And the former “counter-revolutionaries”, who became “traditionalists” since 1814, continued to defend the divine nature of society and preached a return to corporatism. “The monarchy must be governed only by divine laws, that is to say, by Christian principles” (208).

François-René Chateaubriand even entered the government, briefly becoming the Minister of Foreign Affairs of France, and, impressed by the “Charter,” in 1816 he even published a brochure “Monarchy under the Charter,” which he himself rated very highly.

“This brochure is one of my main achievements in the political field: it earned me a place among eminent publicists; it helped the French understand the nature of our political system. English newspapers praised this work to the skies” (144. P. 329).

“Traditionalists”, as an ideologically formed movement, had difficulty finding understanding among pragmatically minded politicians of the Restoration period, and therefore L. Bonald and F. R. Chateaubriand, in collaboration with Abbot Felicité Robert de Lamennais (1782-1854), founded an ultra-royalist newspaper "Conservateur".

In this newspaper, F.R. Chateaubriand published an article (dated December 5, 1818) devoted to the comparison of “moral” interest with “material” interest and exalting duty as opposed to self-interest, but which did not have such a wide resonance that the author himself was counting on.

The newspaper could not survive for long and was closed for censorship reasons in 1820. It is also worth noting the fact that censorship regulations changed at least seven times during the Restoration period.

By the early 1820s, the following balance of power had developed in French journalism, based on the pro-government or anti-government orientation of a particular periodical.

On the side of the government were, with a total circulation of 14,300 copies: "Le Journal de Paris" ("Newspaper of Paris") (circulation - 4,175 copies), "L'Etoile" ("The Star") (circulation - 2,750), "La Gazette" " (circulation - 2370), "Le Moniteur" ("Moniter") (circulation - 2250), "Le Drapeau blanc" ("White Banner") (circulation - 1900), "Le Pilote" ("Pilot") (circulation - 900).

In opposition were: "Le Constitutionnel" ("The Constitutionalist") (circulation - 16250), "La Quotidienne" ("Everyday Life") (circulation - 5800), "Le Courrier francais" ("The French Messenger") (circulation - 2975 ), "Le Journal de Commerce" ("Newspaper of Commerce") (circulation - 2380), "L'Aristarque" ("Aristarchus") (circulation - 925), with a total circulation of 28,300 copies.

The quantitative advantage of the opposition press was noted by Stendhal, who wrote that “in every village the innkeeper reads Le Constitutionnel, while Le Journal des Debats is read only in castles” (188, p. 191).

The royalist government managed, thanks to censorship intricacies, to change the balance of forces in its favor for some time (44,000 versus 12,500), but the situation became different due to the new position of the editor of Le Journal des Debats.

Bertin's Le Journal des Debats, which supported the monarchical government until 1824, went into sharp opposition after the removal of F.R. Chateaubriand from his ministerial post, adding its circulation of 13,000 copies to the total number of publications unfriendly to the authorities.

F.L. Bertin, a close friend of F.R. Chateaubriand and a monarchist by conviction, considered himself insulted and published an article in “Le Journal des Debats” in which he characterized the relationship between the authorities and the independent press:

“The policy of the present government offends the feelings of the French nation... The constitutional monarchy honors public freedoms; it sees in them the support of the monarch, the people and the laws.

In our country, by representative government we mean something completely different. A company is formed (or even - for the sake of competition - two rival companies) to bribe newspapers. Incorruptible editors are shamelessly sued; They hope to discredit them through scandalous trials and indictments. Since decent people are disgusted by this fuss, lampooners who once slandered the royal family are hired to protect the royalist ministry. The case is for everyone who served in the old police and crowded under the door of the imperial chambers; This is how our neighbors' captains recruit sailors in taverns and brothels. Convicts, called free writers, work in five or six newspapers bought with giblets; It is their writings that are called public opinion in the language of ministers” (144. P. 348).

The attempt to return to absolutism and suppression of basic public freedoms provoked a response from the opposition camp, which sharply criticized the government.

The authorities clearly did not keep up with the changing moods in society, trying to control the situation using usual methods. The coming to power in 1828 of Minister J.B. Martinac with his idea of ​​uniting ultra-reactionaries and liberals did not help either.

One of the ideologists of liberalism was Benjamin Constant (1767-1830), who postulated the supremacy of individual freedoms and insisted on the principle of popular sovereignty. In his main work, “The Course of Constitutional Politics” (1818-1820), by “individual rights” he meant personal freedom, trial by jury, freedom of conscience, inviolability of property and freedom of the press.

Ideologically close to the concept of B. Constant was the group of “doctrinaires” led by Francois Guizot (1787-1874), a supporter of the English constitutional monarchy, in which “the king would establish the fourth estate” (150. T.4.P.80).

On February 1, 1820, François Guizot and his group created the newspaper Le Courrier (The Courier) in order to provide a platform for speeches for those who, after the disappearance of L’Archives philosophiques (The Philosophical Archive), were left without their own publication. The timing for the start of publication was chosen very well - the period of maximum censorship relaxation. The newspaper took a tough “doctrinaire” position, opposing the orientation of right-wing newspapers.

G. Vermorel was invited to be the editor, but he could not maintain the level of the declared publication, which led to a drop in interest from readers. Then the newspaper changed its name to "Le Courrier francais" ("The French Courier") and, under Benjamin Constant, began to be perceived as a defender of liberal ideas.

The political crisis came in 1830 with the advent of the ministry of Jules-Armand Polignac, when Charles X decided to completely suppress freedom of speech. The opposition began to create new press organs. Already in the first days of January 1830, Adolphe Thiers, Auguste Minier and Armand Carrel, dissatisfied with the inactive position of Le Constitutionnel, founded the newspaper Le National (The Nationalist), which in many ways became a catalyst for the events that took place.

“I unfolded the Monitor and, in disbelief, read the official reports. Another government in its right mind and memory decided to jump from the cathedral tower Notre Dame of Paris! <…>

The press is a new element, an unprecedented force that has recently come to the world; it is a word that has become lightning, it is social electricity. Is it in your power to destroy it? The more you oppress her, the sooner an explosion will occur. Therefore, you need to come to terms with the press, just as you came to terms with the steam engine.<…>

The first ordinance abolishes almost completely the freedom of the press; this is the quintessence of everything that was nurtured for a decade and a half in the depths of the secret police" (144. P.401-402).

The ordinances that destroyed freedom of the press caused a violent negative reaction from both journalists and the entire French society. Adolphe Thiers, refuting the thesis of former minister A.E. Richelieu that “journalism is universal corruption” (188. p. 200), published an article on July 26 in the newspaper “Le National”, which became a kind of declaration of Parisian newspapermen about disobedience to authority .

The text of the manifesto article was signed by about 40 editors of leading Parisian publications (Le Constitutionnel, Le Globe, Le Temps (Time), Figaro, Le Journal de Paris), and, not coincidentally, , the events of July 27, which culminated in an armed uprising, are sometimes called the “revolution of journalists.”

“Charles X hastened to take back his decrees, removed the most odious ministers, but it was too late. The provisional government, consisting of leading journalists and deputies, decided to transfer royal power to Louis-Philippe of Orleans, who did not claim absolute power. The period of the July Monarchy began and was a new Constitutional Charter was adopted, in which it was written that “censorship can never be restored” (90. pp. 40-41).

Louis Philippe, who came to power, not only introduced an amendment to abolish censorship, but declared an amnesty for journalists accused for political reasons. Therefore, the first years of the July Monarchy were marked by unprecedented activity in the French press.

Electoral reform doubled the number of voters, which increased the number of "voting citizens" interested in both politics and the press. For the press, this fact meant an increase in circulation, as evidenced by the following statistics.

The average circulation of Parisian newspapers for 1830 was 60,998 copies. In March 1831, circulation increased to 81,493 copies, an increase of one third. This growth especially affected left-wing newspapers: the circulation of Le Constitution increased from 18,622 copies to 23,333, Le Courrier from 5,491 to 8,750, Le Temps from 5,150 to 8,500, Le National from 2 321 to 3,283.

In general, circulations increased for all publications: “Le Journal des Debats”, which sold 11,715 copies, increased sales to 14,700, “La Gazette de France” had instead of 9,801 copies in 1830, 12,400 copies in 1831. Consequently, the July Revolution brought visible commercial benefits for both left-wing and right-wing and center publications.

However, it soon turned out that the dialogue between the authorities and the press again failed. Instead of dialogue, prosecutions of journalists began. During the period 1831-1832, there were more than 400 lawsuits over periodicals. Opposition journalists were sentenced to a total of 65 years in prison and fined 350,000 francs.

The place of detention for journalists was mainly the Sainte-Pélagie prison, the director of which treated “his” political prisoners with some respect. Charles Philippon, editor of the newspaper "La Caricature" and the king of political cartoons, having arrived in this prison in 1832, met a whole company of colleagues there - the editor of the newspaper "La Tribune" A. Marr, the draftsman O. Daumier and others. In the Sainte-Pélagie prison, C. Philipon developed a project for creating the famous cartoon newspaper "Le Charivari" ("Cavardak").

Many prisoner journalists were lobbying for Dr. Pinel to be transferred from prison to the mental health clinic. The Parisian police prefect Gisquet recalled this epidemic of “madness” in his memoirs: “Although the fierce attacks of the newspapers should have inspired vengeful feelings in me, I have more than once provided services to journalists! Most of those who were sentenced to more or less long terms were tried about me not as their own newspapers described me, and therefore they approached me with a request to be transferred to a medical building. And I tried to give such permission to everyone who asked for it, namely: Schaeffer - the editor of the National, Baskan -. editor of "Tribune", Philippon - editor of "Caricature", Nujan - editor of "Revenant", Briand - editor of "Quotidienne", Benard - publisher of "Cancan", Charles Maurice - editor of "Courrier de Spectacle" and many others" (112. C .63).

The Parisian press, despite being well acquainted with imprisonment, entered into a confrontation with the government, the response to which was the law of December 16, 1834, which obliged street newspaper sellers, as well as all distributors of printed materials, to ask for special permission from the municipal authorities.

The failed assassination attempt on the king (“Fieschi’s Infernal Machine”) initiated a tightening of repressive measures against the press (September laws of 1835): the amount of mandatory bail was doubled, daily newspapers had to contribute 100 thousand francs, newspapers published twice a week - 75 thousand francs, weekly publications - 50 thousand francs, magazines - 25 thousand francs.

To make it difficult for new newspapers to open, the law required that the editor-in-chief of a publication personally own at least a third of the bond. If this amount decreased and the editor-in-chief could not make up for it, then he had to be replaced by another person who owned the necessary capital. In case of imprisonment of the responsible editor, he was to be replaced by an acting editor. editor, who had the required amount of collateral. If one was not found, the newspaper was closed during the arrest of the editor-in-chief.

Imprisonment for a term of 5 to 20 years and a fine of 10 thousand to 50 thousand francs. were used for “any insult to the person of the king and attacks against the foundations of the state system, carried out through the press” (188. P. 205). (For comparison, similar penalties under the law of 1819 ranged from 3 months to 5 years in prison and from 50 to 6,000 francs).

The French were also prohibited from “declaring themselves republicans, interfering with the king’s person in the discussion of government actions, expressing a wish or hope for the overthrow of the monarchical or constitutional system or for the restoration of the deposed government, recognizing the right to the throne for members of the expelled royal family, publish the names of jurors before or after the trial, print reports of secret sessions of jurors, arrange subscriptions in favor of convicted newspapers. In addition, judicial institutions were given the right to suspend for up to four months those newspapers that were convicted twice within one year. Finally, drawings, emblems, engravings and lithographs could be exhibited, published and sold only with the prior permission of the censorship, which thus opened the doors again” (120. P.266-267)